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Paula Mandowsky (née Wienskowitz) * 1880

Armgartstraße 22 (Hamburg-Nord, Hohenfelde)

HIER WOHNTE
PAULA MANDOWSKY
GEB. WIENSKOWITZ
JG. 1880
DEPORTIERT 1941
ERMORDET IN
RIGA

further stumbling stones in Armgartstraße 22:
Anneliese Mandowsky

Eva Annelise Mandowsky, b. 5.10.1905 in Hamburg, deported to the Riga ghetto on 12.6.1941, there murdered
Paula Mandowsky, née Wienskowitz, b. 10.1.1880 in Breslau, deported to the Riga ghetto on 12.6.1941, there murdered

Armgartstraße 22

"In 1938 – it must have been mid-October – my good friend, the pharmacist Frehse, ... reported that he had learned from Mrs. Mandowsky that her husband had suffered a stroke in the middle of an agitated telephone conversation with his beloved daughter Lotte, who was living in Vienna. During the phone call, Lotte Mandowsky, a physician, had implored her father to provide her with funds for her flight out of Austria, because she had learned that she was threatened with being sent to a concentration camp. Mr. Mandowsky, who as a result of Nazi persecution did not have access to great amounts of cash, tried to make his poor financial situation clear to his daughter. His daughter again plead for money, stating that without it she would be condemned to death. At that moment, on the phone, Mr. Mandowsky, whose health had already been seriously undermined by the oppressive measures of the National Socialists, suffered a stroke and died.”

In 1958, this was the way the pharmacist Theobald Loida described, under oath, how Paula Mandowsky’s husband, the pharmacist Max Mandowsky, had died. His description played a role in the context of reparations proceedings that Max Mandowsky’s daughter Erna had pursued against the City of Hamburg after World War II, and in which Theobald Loida, a long-term employee of Max Mandowsky, testified. The mater-of-fact words make clear the panic that had seized Lotte and the despair, as well as the probable anger, that must have been triggered in her father because of his own helplessness – emotions so overpowering that his body could no longer bear the burden.

When Max Mandowsky died on 9 October 1938, at 64 years of age, he left behind his wife Paula and three grown daughters: Eva Annelise, Erna Minna, and Charlotte. He was born on 6 November 1874 in Ratibor, Upper Silesia (today, Racibórz, Poland). His parents were named Ferdinand Mandowsky and Fanny, née Weichselmann; he had a brother, named Kurt, who was six years younger. The family was Jewish. He learned the pharmacy trade from the ground up. At sixteen, he began a three year apprenticeship in Bernstadt, Silesia (today, Bierutów, Poland), which he continued a year later in Breslau and which he completed there in 1895, after passing an examination.

Presumably, during this time, he got to know his future wife Paula, who was born and raised in Breslau. She, too, came from a Jewish family. Her parents were Eugen Wienskowitz and Laura, née Kohn; Paula had two older brothers, Fritz and Paul. After finishing his training, Max Mandowsky worked for several years as an assistant in various pharmacies. Then he studied pharmacy at the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich and became certified in May 1900. With that he earned state approval to practice the profession and permission to run a pharmacy. After meeting his one-year military service obligation with the Prussian Army, he worked another half year as an employee of a pharmacy management firm in Berlin-Tegel; in the summer of 1902, he arrived in Hamburg and became independent.

In October of that year, he took over the pharmacy of Rudolf Arcularius at Veddeler Brückenstraße 54–58. At the same time, he acquired the entire building, in which was located, in addition to the pharmacy, the local police station; he himself moved into an apartment in the same building. The pharmacy was, since 1865, a "dispensary space,” that is, a branch founded by the Steinwärder Pharmacy; in 1878, it was converted into an independent enterprise, the "Pharmacy on Veddeler Strasse.” It served primarily the seagoing population from nearby ships with medications.

Now that he had his own pharmacy, Max Mandowsky was in a position to support a family and to marry. Paula Wienskowitz and he got married in Breslau on 2 August 1904. Thereafter, Paula joined her husband on the Elbe River and moved into the apartment at Veddeler Brückenstrasse. In the following year, the two had their first daughter. They named her Eva Annelise. A year and a half after this, on 19 November 1906, a second girl was born, Erna Minna. The third daughter arrived only three years later, on 13 November 1909. She was given the name Charlotte, but was called Lotte. The family led a haute bourgeois life and was assimilated, as Erna Mandowsky later once described it: "As far as the Jewish faith goes, I believe, that no one in my family, including myself, ever entered a synagogue. At home … we always celebrated Christmas, exchanged gifts and had a big Christmas tree – in part, although not exclusively – on account of the ‘Christian’ help.”

As early as 1903, Max Mandowsky successfully applied to the Hamburg State Association, and four years later, he took the Hamburg Citizen’s Oath. After a further three years, when his daughters were five, four, and one-half years old, he petitioned the Hamburg Medical Office to be permitted to "reside outside the pharmacy.” Because the girls were gradually approaching school-age, he and his wife wanted to move to a district of the city that offered higher educational opportunities. For them it was apparently self-evident that after public school their daughters would receive a comprehensive education and earn the university study certificate. Thus, in the same year, the family resettled at Lübecker 11. It was close to Holzdamm Strasse where Hamburg’s first higher girls school, the instructional institutions of the St. Johannis Cloister (today, the Cloister School), was located.

Max Mandowsky operated his pharmacy on Veddeler Strasse with great economic success. He took over the employees of the previous owner, and later two additional clerks worked in his concern. He also trained apprentices. From about 1903, he operated under the name "Pharmacy at the Freeport” and gradually expanded his offerings. Increasingly, he supplied great shipping companies with complete ship’s pharmacies; his biggest customer by far was Hamburg Süd, followed by Sloman and the Hamburg-Amerika Line (HAPAG).

Beyond this, he was active from about 1912 as a medical products wholesaler. When he took over the pharmacy in 1902, the business was worth 230,000 Marks; its sales value in 1914 was already 320,000 Marks. Finally, around 1913, he called into being, together with colleagues, the Cooperative Society of Pharmacists of Hamburg, Altona, and Vicinity (Gehag), in order to "produce, sell, and distribute pharmaceutical specialties” under their own management. Initially, its headquarters were in his building on Veddeler Brückenstrasse. Upon its founding, he also took over the board chairmanship, which he held until the dissolution of the cooperative in 1923. In 1918, the Guarantee-Cooperative of Hamburg-Altona Pharmacists was founded, on the board of which Max Mandowsky also sat.

In 1924, with two partners, he took over the pharmaceutical factory C. F. Asche in Altona. The enterprise, founded in 1877, was incorporated in 1923. In doing so, the original firm of C. F. Asche & Co. was fused with the Kaban Pharmaceutical Works, L.L.C. and the Gehag, previously dissolved into individual enterprises. Max Mandowsky, alongside his activity as an independent pharmacy owner, was also a salaried director of the new corporation.

As ambitious and successful as their father was in establishing himself professionally, so, too, his daughters, Annelise, Erna, and Lotte, were goal-oriented in their educational pathways. Until graduation from the Lyzeum (girl’s high school), that is, up to the end of the tenth class, they attended the St. Johannis Cloister School, subsequently switching to the reform pedagogical Lichtwark School in Hamburg-Winterhude, where they completed their university study certification.

Directly after finishing her preparatory schooling in 1925, Annelise Mandowsky began chemistry studies. However, she broke off this course in order to dedicate herself to the study of psychology, which she actually had always been especially interested in. Her related fields were pedagogy and psychopathology. From the beginning, she specialized in graphological studies. Graphology had been introduced in the late nineteenth century as a psycho-diagnostic tool concerned above all with the significance of handwriting as an expression of character. Annelise heard her first lectures in Breslau by a judicial assessor from the school of the life philosopher and psychologist, Ludwig Klages, at that time one of the most important representatives of German graphology. Later she continued her studies in Frankfurt am Main and Hamburg. In Hamburg in 1933, she received her doctorate under William Stern with a work on the themes of "Comparative-Psychological Investigations Concerning Handwriting: A Contribution on the Expressive Movements of the Mentally Ill, with Special Consideration of Schizophrenia and Manic-Depressive Disorders.” For research purposes she collaborated closely with physicians of the than Friedrichsberg State Mental Hospital, which also served as an academic teaching institution. After getting her Ph. D., Annelise Mandowsky moved to Berlin, where she specialized further in the field of remedial pedagogy and worked briefly at the Buch Psychiatric and Nursing Institute, led by the psychiatrist Karl Birnbaum; in connection with the Institute she assisted at a counseling center. Her sub-fields were classical archaeology and the ancillary historical sciences. Her choice of studies had apparently been strongly influenced by the Lichtwark School; unlike other Hamburg modern or classical high schools of those times, Lichtwark placed special value on a comprehensive cultural education for its students. Several discrete subjects were combined under "cultural studies”; art appreciation, musical, and theatrical performances were part of the typical schoolday.

An equally special institution was the Hamburg Art History Seminar. Organized beginning in 1921 by Erwin Panofsky, it stood in close collaboration with the Warburg Cultural Studies Library on Heilwigstrasse in Hamburg-Eppendorf, which was founded by the art historian Aby Warburg. Thus the seminar followed Warburg’s art historical research tendency toward iconology. This method investigated the art work’s material properties, historical context, conditions of genesis, and symbolic content. The library’s staff members also collaborated in the seminar. Among them, in addition to Aby Warburg, were Fritz Saxl, Gertrud Bing, and Edgar Wind; the philosopher Ernst Cassirer and the historian Hans Liebeschütz were also contributors. A former colleague of Erna Mandowsky’s, Clare Lachmann, née Ullmann (see also, the biographical sketches of Alice and Eduard Hertz), remembered those times euphorically: "constant inspirations, the life of all together for the sake of a single purpose, namely, service to knowledge, finding the solution to problems, thanks to the diversity of the co-workers: each contributed what he or she knew, from his or her own standpoint. We were ‘one’ great family, our professors were only ten years older than us. We lived together, it was a completely close, humane, warm community.”

In 1932, Erna Mandowsky traveled for purposes of study to Italy, primarily to Siena, Florence, and Pisa in Tuscany, to Perugia in Umbria, and to Rome. She did research there for her dissertation on the Italian Renaissance scholar, Cesare Ripa. Her mentor was Fritz Saxl.

The youngest of the three daughters of Paula and Max Mandowsky, Lotte, studied to become a physician.

Then, in a single blow, all the private and professional goals, wishes, and hopes of the Mandowsky family came to ruin: on 30 January 1933, Reich President Hindenburg named the chairman of the Nazi Party, Adolf Hitler, chancellor of the Reich. A few weeks later, Max Mandowsky became the target of antisemitic attacks. For 1 April 1933, a Saturday, the Nazi Party called a boycott of Jewish businesses, department stores, banks, medical practices, attorneys’ and notaries’ offices. On that day, the pharmacist Theobald Loida recalled, at midday "a squad of the SA” moved in and painted "on the large display window of the pharmacy the word Jew in red paint, and other words of abuse [sic]. Mr. Mandowsky was white as chalk and no word issued from his lips. When the SA-people withdrew, I had our cleaning lady remove the graffiti; this was to no avail, because the SA-people returned immediately and smeared the pharmacy window again. This behavior of the SA-people had the effect of making many of our customers fearful about entering the pharmacy, so that our sales steadily sank.”

These actions of the SA were, however, just the beginning of the antisemitic measures of the Nazi regime that, within a short space of time, ruined Max Mandowsky professionally and financially. Still in 1933, he had to resign his post as director of C. F. Asche, Inc., because he was Jewish. He thereby lost considerable earnings.

The two older daughters, Anneliese and Erna, were able at first to continue their scholarly careers, but only for a short while longer. Annelise gave a lecture in the summer of 1933 to the International Congress of Psychologists in Prague on some of her latest graphological investigations. She also published an extensive contribution on the theme of her dissertation in the journal, "Archive for All Areas of Psychology,” in 1934. However, after this, she could no longer publish anything. Trying to get a position as a psychologist in a state mental institution was, for example, futile. She could have used such a position in order to establish her own independent practice. Only occasionally was she permitted to provide graphological documentation for the courts. Since she could not realize her professional desires any longer but nonetheless wanted to earn her own living, she decided to make herself independent. In August 1933, she established a "Graphological Institute” in her home on Armgartstrasse to instruct adult students in graphology. In addition, she offered such subjects as: "Preparation of Character Analyses. Documentation for Business Concerns. Assessments of Pathological Disorders from Handwriting," as well as, "Scientific Investigations of the Newest Areas in Handwriting Research." In order to give a course, she had to apply to the professional school authorities to have a permit issued to operate a private instructional establishment. After she also registered a business and paid RM 8, her request was approved. Aside from this, the state school authorities informed the police officials that Annelise Mandowsky was permitted "to operate vocational instruction in psychology and graphology.”

After taking her doctorate, Annelise’s sister Erna intended to pursue a scholarly career and become a university lecturer in art history. However, with the introduction of the "Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” on 7 April 1933, this professional path was blocked. She also could no longer publish in German professional periodicals, which would have been necessary for a scholarly career in Germany. And a research grant was also not to be thought of. Concurrently, the beginning of National Socialist rule signified the end of the Hamburg Art History Seminar and the Warburg Cultural Studies Library. Erwin Panofsky and Fritz Saxl were suspended in April 1933 and, at the end of the summer semester, dismissed. In the summer of 1933, Saxl succeeded in bringing the entire Warburg Library to safety in London. Panofsky fled to New York.

Supervised by the art historian Ludwig Heinrich Heydenreich, Erna Mandowsky, with a few other doctoral students, was able to complete her dissertation in Hamburg. On 24 February 1934, she received her degree with an investigation of the iconology of Cesare Ripa – a work, which is considered fundamental for the most important publication of the Italian scholar. Three months later, on 31 May, she fled to London. Conditional for her entry and permission to remain was that she would accept no salaried position. Thus, she lived rather poorly doing odd jobs until 1936 when she became so seriously ill that she had to spend several weeks in the hospital and, afterwards, she could not work for months. Presumably, she was supported in this period by her parents.

Lotte, the youngest, also left Hamburg. In 1934, she married the businessman Simon Hochberger in the synagogue of Vienna’s fifth district, Margarethen. He was five years older than she and came from Bobowa near Krakow. At his birth, the place belonged to the Kingdom of Galicia within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; after the First World War ended in 1918, it belonged to the newly-founded Polish State. Charlotte and Simon Hochberger lived in Vienna’s second district, Leopoldstadt. Because more than half the population was Jewish, the district was called "Matzo Island” (after the unleavened bread that all observant Jews eat during Passover). When they married, Simon Hochberger was still employed. Around 1936, he became independent by opening a bedspring dealership near their home.

It was predictable that Erna, as well as Lotte, would also leave Germany, but, because they clearly had fewer financial resources at their disposal than before, in 1934, Max, Paula, and Annelise Mandowsky moved out of their large home at Lübecker Strasse 11 that they had lived in for nearly thirty years. They found a new place at Armgartstrasse 22.

However, in addition to the decline of income through the loss of his position with the Cooperative and from the boycott actions of his non-Jewish customers, Max Mandowsky suffered his greatest loss of revenue mainly from the harassment by the Nazi "coordinated” Hamburg Health and Welfare Office. On 30 May 1934, Hermann Oeser, a regimental leader of the SA, who came from Dithmarschen, opened a new pharmacy in the immediate vicinity of Max Mandowsky’s pharmacy at Veddeler Brückenstrasse 120. It was one of the eight pharmacies for all of Hamburg that the Health and Welfare Office intended to staff with Nazi functionaries. Once again, Max Mandowsky’s former employee Theodor Loida testified: "Oeser practiced active Jew-baiting and influenced the customers in his pharmacy not to shop with Jews, by which he meant Mr. Mandowsky. According to my recollection, after this point in time 30% of our customers stayed away. Our business with the shippers he also grabbed for himself.

Max Mandowsky continued with his pharmacy until 1936. Then, on 26 March 1936, the "First Decree Pertaining to the Law Concerning the Leasing and Administration of Public Pharmacies” came into force. According to Article 33 of this Decree, no Jews were permitted to lease or own any pharmacy; if they were owners, the business had to be handed over to an "Aryan” leaseholder. "It was no accident,” writes the historian Frank Bajohr, "that precisely in the profession of pharmacist such rigid measure were practiced against Jews. A licensing situation existed in which the state had withdrawn pharmacies out of the market economy, so that the number of certified pharmacists was limited by the state, and this situation was juxtaposed by a great surplus of certified pharmacists that had to wait for a long time to receive their licenses. The forcing out of Jewish pharmacists defused this precarious situation and offered a convenient way out of what was in reality a structural dilemma, without having to confront its actual causes …. In Hamburg, the consequences of this structural problem were especially pronounced …. The disparity between available licenses and the number of applicants for them was so great that, after certification, a Hamburg pharmacist could expect to wait an average of twenty-four years for the issuing of a license.”

Max Mandowsky first concluded a leasing contract with the pharmacist Werner Schulz. This was rejected by the responsible higher administrative officer – in Hamburg this was the Reich State Holder Karl Kaufmann in his simultaneous capacity as "Führer” of the Hamburg State and Communal Administration. According to the First Decree Pertaining to the Law Concerning the Leasing and Administration of Public Pharmacies, a Hamburg pharmacist could take over as lessee, only if he had worked at least ten years after being licensed as a Reich German pharmacist. Apparently, Werner Schulz did not meet this requirement. Max Mandowsky’s next suggestion was the pharmacist Georg Brabänder, a licensed businessman. The lease relationship began on 1 Octobr 1936.

The Hamburg Administrative Directorate of German Pharmacies was of the opinion that the cause of the decline in revenues for the "Pharmacy at the Freeport” was "that the owner is a Jew and that a considerable part of the deliveries to shipping concerns has been withdrawn.” The Directorate was convinced for this reason that after the "elimination” of Mandowsky, the new lessee would recover a sizable part of those deliveries. However, that was not the case, for – as mentioned – this business had been taken over by the Nazi functionary Oeser. Because of this, Brabänder demanded a reduction of the annual cost of the lease. But this, too, failed to raise revenues. In this regard, Brabänder argued that the customers stayed away, on the one hand, because the pharmacy "was Jewish for so long and was still considered so,” and on the other hand, because two of the three Jewish physicians who had sent their Jewish patients, had emigrated and their non-Jewish successors worked together with Oeser. In March 1938, the Directorate of German Pharmacies finally decided that Max Mandowsky should abolish the lease contract with Georg Brabänder and sell his pharmacy. Max Mandowsky was fundamentally ready to do so. Yet the harassments of the last five years and the forced decision to sell the pharmacy, after 40 years, impacted his health. When in addition to this his daughter Lotte desperately begged for money that he no longer could give her, he collapsed and all the doctor could do was confirm his death.

Lotte’s situation in Vienna had become critical a few months before. In the night of 11 and 12 March 1938, the Austrian National Socialists seized power in Austria. On 12 March 1938, German Army, SS, and Police units marched in to support them, and were enthusiastically greeted by the great majority of the population. On 13 March, the new Austrian federal government decided upon the merging of the country into the German Reich – with the agreement of the Austrian Adolf Hitler, who declared amidst jubilation in Linz, that Providence had given him the task of "returning his precious homeland to the German Reich.” There began immediately with Nazi rule massive harassments and brutal public humiliations of the Jews of Austria, carried out with the active participation and approval of a considerable part of the population. Thus, the SS in Vienna arbitrarily stopped Jewish men, women, and children and compelled them, with kicks, with water and little brushes, to scrub away on their hands and knees, the slogans that Hitler’s opponents had written on the streets prior to the invasion and Anschluss.

The first transport of political prisoners left Vienna for the Dachau concentration camp on 1 April 1938. Possibly, Lotte heard about it; this and the climate of fear produced by the SS public humiliations of Jews unleashed a panic attack in her, that she, as a Jewess, would be deported, too.

In Hamburg, Paula Mandowsky stood alone after the sudden death of her husband, faced with all the problems connected to the pharmacy. Quite aside from that, she certainly was greatly worried about her daughter in Vienna. Only a few months before all this, Max and she, together with Annelise, moved into a 5-room apartment at Haynstrasse 5. Two of the rooms were sublet to a Jewish woman and her daughter. Through the real estate agent Ernst Zobel, Paula sold the pharmacy to the pharmacist Erich Manger, shortly after the November Pogrom of 1938. Ernst Zobel was a specialist in "Aryanization” within the pharmacy sector. With all "Aryanized” Jewish pharmacies, he was the one who mediated the sale negotiations between the Jewish owners and the prospective buyers, and he was the one who handled the sale. On average, he received an honorarium of RM 5000 for each transaction. Nevertheless, the controversy with the previous leaseholder Brabänder continued and was finally decided in court in March 1939. Brabänder had to pay Paula Mandowsky, as the sole heir of her husband, RM 4820 in back rent. In a countermove, however, she had to leave a security deposit of RM 5000, so that she could not access the money she was entitled to. In early February 1938, Reich State Holder Kaufmann had already informed her in a letter that he had not approved the sale of the pharmacy to Erich Manger and demanded from her that she sell the pharmacy to someone else, no later than 15 March 1939. He referred to Article 1, Paragraph 1 of the Decree Concerning the Investment of Jewish Assets of 3 December 1938, according to which the "owner of a Jewish business” could be required "to sell or terminate the business within a determined time limit.” At the same time, he appointed the attorney Walther Meyer as fiduciary; he, too, was a profiteer from "Aryanization” proceedings. Meyer dismissed the lessee Brabänder and initiated the sale of the pharmacy, as Kaufmann demanded.

Nevertheless, there were delays, so that the compulsory sale of the pharmacy took place only on 20 June 1939. The new owner was Elisabeth Thiede from Berlin – but not before the Hamburg Public Health Office approved the acquisition by a female pharmacist. Wolf Harm, of the Bergstrasse notary office, functioned as notary. In connection with the forced sale, Paula Mandowsky was required to pay a fee of RM 500. She asked the State Administration of Hamburg for a reduction of this payment because paying the "Jews’ Property Levy” meant that she and her daughters had only their small savings to live on. The State Administration rejected the request.

The new owner of the pharmacy, Elisabeth Thiede, also recorded low sales. She therefore requested that the State Administration transfer the business to Eppendorf. From 1940, there existed on the Eppendorfer Landstrasse a pharmacy named "New Eppendorf Pharmacy, formerly Pharmacy at the Freeport.”

In London, Erna Mandowsky lived on by means of occasional jobs. In Hamburg, the school administration sent an inquiry to her sister Annelise concerning possible Jewish ancestry. As a result, from early 1939, she was allowed to teach only Jewish students. Her income steadily declined; for 1939 and 1940, she recorded an average of only one or two participants in her courses.

On 15 February 1941, Lotte Mandowsky, the youngest, died at 31 years of age in Vienna. Her mother had her buried in the Ilandkoppel Jewish cemetery in Hamburg. On the day of her death, 996 Jews were deported from Vienna to the Opole Lubelski ghetto near Lublin. Possibly she had received a deportation order for this transport and then taken her own life. Her husband, Simon Hochberger was deported from Drancy in France to Auschwitz on 17 August 1942. He survived the Shoah.

At the end of October 1941, Paula and Annelise Mandowsky received an "evacuation order” by registered mail from the Gestapo. They were to be brought on the transport of 25 October 1941 from Hamburg to the Lodz ghetto. Pursuant to the order, they had to appear on the day before at the building of the Provincial [Masonic] Lodge Lower Saxony on Moorweidenstrasse. Ten minutes before the departure of trucks from Moorweide to the Hannover Railroad Station, both were released. They had shown the Gestapo a document which certified the service of Paula’s father, Eugen Wienskowitz, during the plebiscite campaign of 1921 in the then Prussian Province of Upper Silesia. The population had to choose between remaining in Prussia, that is, the German Reich, or the incorporation into a re-established Poland. Eugen Wienskowitz had actively intervened on behalf of remaining in Germany. However, the release was only a postponement. Only around six weeks later, mother and daughter received a new "evacuation order.” On 6 December 1941, they were deported to Riga-Jungfernhof and there murdered.

Paula Mandowsky’s Hamburg cousin, Rolf Wienskowitz, had brought the two to Moorweidenstrasse and witnessed their departure to the Hannover Station. Immediately thereafter, he had to deliver the key for the apartment on Haynstrasse to the appropriate police station. The police initially sealed the apartment; later all its furnishings were plundered.

Paula and Annelise Mandowsky had given various papers and documents to Rolf Wienskowitz before their deportation. These were incinerated however in the air raids over Hamburg in July 1943. Rolf Wienskowitz, himself, was able to flee to the USA, where he changed his last name to "Monroy.” He died in Houston, Texas in 1992.

Erna Mandowsky was the only one of her five-member family to survive the Shoah. Not until 1948, at 42 years of age, did she succeed in again working as an art historian. Thanks to a fellowship, she was able to complete a research project in the Medici collections in Florence. In that year she also received British citizenship. There followed numerous teaching assignments, in addition to which she published contributions in art historical periodicals, such as the Burlington Magazine and the Art Bulletin. In 1968, she became a professor at the University of Oklahoma and moved from London to the USA. In 1973, after having taught for a year at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada, she entered retirement. She died in Seattle in 2003, shortly before her 97th birthday.

In 1952, an agreement was reached regarding back payments on grounds that Max Mandowsky’s pharmacy had been forcibly sold. According to the agreement, the "Aryanizer,” the pharmacist Elisabeth Thiede, who continued to run the pharmacy, had to pay his heir, Erna Mandowsky, 30,000 German Marks.


Translator: Richard Levy
Kindly supported by the Hermann Reemtsma Stiftung, Hamburg.

Stand: December 2019
© Frauke Steinhäuser

Quellen: 1; 4; 5; 6; 8; 9; StaH 332-7 Staatsangehörigkeitsaufsicht A I f 226; StaH 332-7 Staatsangehörigkeitsaufsicht B III 73083; StaH 351-11 Amt für Wiedergutmachung 2498; StaH 351-11 Amt für Wiedergutmachung 4545; StaH 351-11 Amt für Wiedergutmachung 29909; StaH 351-11 Amt für Wiedergutmachung 31672; StaH 352-3 Medizinalkollegium IV G 17; StaH 352-3 Medizinalkollegium I D2/53 Bd. 1 1865–1905, Bd. 2 1905–1934 u. Bd. 3 1936–1941; StaH 352-3 Medizinalkollegium XXX IV G 17; StaH 361-2 II Oberschulbehörde II, Abl. 2007/01, 187; StaH 522-1 Jüd. Gemeinden 390 Wählerliste 1930; StaH 522-1 Jüdische Gemeinden 992 e 2 Band 1, Transport nach Litzmannstadt am 25.10.1941, Liste 1; StaH 522-1 Jüdische Gemeinden 992 e 2 Band 3, Transport nach Riga am 6.12.1941, Liste 1; Hamburger Adressbücher; Kunsthistorisches Seminar Hamburg, Erstsemestergruppe 1980/81 (Hrsg), Chronik des Kunsthistorischen Seminars der Universität Hamburg, 1919–1949, Hamburg, 1981; Bajohr, Arisierung, S.111ff.; Esther Hell, Jüdische Apotheker im Fadenkreuz. Ausgrenzung, Pressionen, Verfolgung, Saarbrücken, 2007, S. 32f. u. S. 118f.; Ulrike Wendland, Arkadien in Hamburg, Studierende und Lehrende am Kunsthistorischen Seminar der Hamburgischen Universität, in: Bruno Reudenbach (Hrsg.), Erwin Panofsky, Beiträge des Symposions Hamburg 1992, Berlin, 1994, Schriften des Warburg-Archivs im Kunstgeschichtlichen Seminar der Universität Hamburg, Bd 3, S. 15–29; Ruth Beckermann (Hrsg.), Die Mazzesinsel, Wien, 1984; Wolfgang Neugebauer, Peter Schwarz, "Stacheldraht, mit Tod geladen …". Der erste Österreichertransport in das KZ Dachau 1938, hrsg. v. d. Arbeitsgemeinschaft der KZ-Verbände und Widerstandskämpfer Österreichs, Wien, 2008; Kurt Schubert, Die Geschichte des österreichischen Judentums, Wien, 2008, S. 117–127; Eckhard Freiwald, Gabriele Freiwald-Korth, Hamburgs alte Fabriken. Einst und jetzt, Erfurt 2013, S. 52; Bajohr, Arisierung, S. 111–114; Meyer, Verfolgung und Ermordung, S. 124; Carl Zuckmayer, Als wär’s ein Stück von mir. Horen der Freundschaft, Frankfurt a. M., 1966, S. 71f.; Kay Dohnke, "Der Erste und der Letzte". Anmerkungen zum NSDAP-Agitator Hermann Oeser, in: Informationen zur Schleswig-Holsteinischen Zeitgeschichte, hrsg. vom Arbeitskreis zur Erforschung des Nationalsozialismus in Schleswig-Holstein (Akens), Heft 25, 1994, online unter: www.akens.org/akens/texte/info/25/53.html (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); Geschichte der Klosterschule, online unter: www.klosterschule-hamburg.de/index.php/geschichte-d-schule; Doris Almenara, Dr. Erna Mandowsky, online unter: www.erna-mandows-ky.com (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); Universitätsklinikum Eppendorf, Klinik und Poliklinik für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie, Geschichte der Klinik, online unter: www.uke.de/kliniken/psychiatrie/index_15716.php (letzter Zugriff 18.5.2015); Erste Verordnung zum Gesetz über die Verpachtung und Verwaltung öffentlicher Apotheken. Vom 26. März 1936, in: Deutsches Reichsgesetzblatt Teil I 1867–1945, hrsg. v. Reichsministerium des Innern, Berlin, Jg. 1936, S. 317, online unter: Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek, ALEX. Historische Rechts- und Gesetzestexte Online, http://alex.onb.ac.at/cgi-content/alex?aid=dra&datum=1936&page=407&size=45 (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); Rainer Nicolaysen, Das Versagen der Uni-versität im "Dritten Reich", online unter: ders., Wandlungsprozesse der Hamburger Universität im 20. Jahrhundert, www.uni-hamburg.de/wandlungsprozesse/wandlungsprozesse_5.html (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); Hochberger, Simon, in: Index der jüdischen Matriken Wien, online unter: GenTeam. Die genalogische Datenbank, www.genteam.at/index.php?option=com_ikg_wien&id=473121&limitstart= 0&view=detail&lang=de (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); "Holocaust", in: Felix Czeike, Historisches Lexikon Wien, Wien, 1992–2004, online unter www.wien.gv.at/wiki/index.php/Holocaust (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); Die Chronik des Notariats Bergstraße, online unter: www.notariat-bergstrasse.de/historie.html (letzter Zugriff 19.5.2015); Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstandes, Wien, online unter: http://ausstellung.de.doew.at/doew.html (letzter Zugriff 19.5.2015); Chronologie der Deportationen aus dem Deutschen Reich, online auf: Gedenkbuch. Opfer der Verfolgung der Juden unter der nationalsozialistischen Gewaltherrschaft in Deutschland 1933–1945, www.bundesarchiv.de/gedenkbuch/chronicles.html.de?page=1 (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015); "Simon Hochberger", in: Mémorial de la Shoah. Musée, Centre de documentation juive contemporaine, Paris, online unter: http://bdi.memorialdelashoah.org/internet/jsp/victim/MmsVictimMediaVisio.jsp?PEGA_HREF_175713898_0_0_showNormal=showNormal (letzter Zugriff 21.5.2015).
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