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Already layed Stumbling Stones
Anna Arapova * 1916
Friedensallee 128 (Altona, Ottensen)
further stumbling stones in Friedensallee 128:
Antonina Kozlova, Sofija Minaeva, Marija Perminova, Taissija Smirnova, Galina Tkachenko
"If you refuse to work, they will take you to the Gestapo.”
The execution of Russian female forced laborers from the Altona "Noleiko” Plant in Nov. 1943
Anna Arapova, born on 22 Oct. 1916
Antonia Kozlova, born on 10 Nov. 1921
Sofija Minaeva, born on 23 Nov. 1920
Marija Perminova, born on 9 Dec. 1919
Taissija Smirnova, born on 25 Jan. 1923
Russian women, performing forced labor from 14 Sept. 1942 at the Noleiko plant, executed on the Winsberg near Eidelstedt for work stoppage on 15 Nov. 1943
Galina Tkachenko, born on 25 Nov. 1921, from 14 Sept. 1942 onward forced labor at the Noleiko plant, shot dead in Feb. 1943
Stolpersteine in front of the former Noleiko Works at Friedensallee 128 in Altona-Ottensen
On 11 Nov. 1943, a strike of Russian female forced laborers broke out at the Norddeutsche Leichtmetall- und Kolbenwerke at Friedensallee 128 in Altona-Ottensen. In 1942/43, the "Noleiko” or "Noleico” Company (today "Kolbenhof” industrial park) had approx. 1,000 employees, of whom about 430 were foreign laborers. The company manufactured aircraft components for the German Luftwaffe. In the war, large segments of the metal industry produced almost exclusively toward armament. Apart from the large-scale shipyards in the port, Altona-Ottensen and Altona-Bahrenfeld were the Hamburg districts featuring the greatest concentration of armaments companies.
In the course of the Second World War, human labor had become scarce in Germany due to the call-up to the armed forces. The Nazi regime decided to use, on a mass scale, foreign civilian and forced laborers from Western and Eastern Europe, prisoners of war, and concentration camp prisoners. In Hamburg alone, between 1939 and 1945, nearly half a million men and women were recruited for forced labor in all sectors of the economy. Most of them were deported, and they came from the occupied territories of the Soviet Union and Poland. Within the city limits existed some 1,500 camps in which foreign male and female laborers had to live in what were often inhuman conditions. The "Office for Activities Important to the War Effort” ("Amt für kriegswichtigen Einsatz”) within the Hamburg Municipal Building Authority provided for the construction of hut camps and assigned "civilian foreign laborers” and prisoners of war to companies important to the war effort. The Hanseatic business enterprises cooperated smoothly with the Nazi bureaucracy.
The supervision of the forced laborers was assumed by the so-called "foreign nationals department” of the Gestapo headed by criminal detective Albert Schweim. For quartering Eastern European laborers, the Noleiko Company had set up its own hut camp on Brahmsstrasse (today Griegstrasse), planned by the architect Konstanty Gutschow in the "Office for Activities Important to the War Effort.” Accommodation, clothing, and provisions within the camp were the responsibility of the German Labor Front. Generally, the meals from the factory canteens or from large-scale offsite catering operations were inadequate and poor in terms of quality; the laborers suffered from hunger and malnutrition. The Noleiko Company employed a substantial group of female prisoners of war and a few female civilian forced laborers; between Sept. 1942 and June 1943, the plant was assigned 73 Russian women and girls overall, with the youngest one coming to the factory at the age of 16. The prisoners of war among them lived under even worse conditions than did the civilian "East European workers” ("Ostarbeiterinnen”). For instance, they did not receive permission to go out but they were led from the camp to their workplace in a group accompanied by a guard.
On 11 Nov. 1943, one shift of Russian female forced laborers refused to recommence work since they had been served spoilt food. According to the recollection of the Gestapo department head Schweim, the plant was known for poor meals. The Gestapo picked up the women, interrogated them, and found five Russian women guilty of "being ringleaders.” The Higher SS and Police Leader Henning Graf von Bassewitz-Behr ordered the execution of the five female Russian prisoners of war without any due process. On 15 Nov. 1943, they were executed by shots in the neck on the Winsberg, a hill near Eidelstedt north of Altona. The other Russian female forced laborers from the plant were forced to witness the execution.
The names of the murdered women from the Soviet Union are: Anna Arapova, born on 22 Oct. 1916 in Sverdlovsk (today in Ukraine); Sofija Minaeva, born on 23 Nov. 1920 in Moscow; Marija Perminova, born on 9 Dec. 1919 in Urdalin; Taissija Smirnova, born on 25 Jan. 1923 in Kalinin (today Twer in Russia); and Antonia Kozlova, born on 10 Nov. 1921 in Kalinin. They had been assigned to the Noleiko Works as forced laborers on 14 Sept. 1942.
In 1946, a committee of former political prisoners discovered the grave of the five women – at least this was assumed – on the Jewish Cemetery on Försterweg, laid out in the Prussian town of Stellingen-Langenfelde in 1887 and located near the place of execution.
After the end of the war, on 8 Aug. 1945, the victorious powers had concluded an agreement in London concerning the "Punishment [and Prosecution] of the Major War Criminals of the European Axis.” British military tribunals in Germany were prepared, on the one hand with respect to violations of rules and conventions of war considered international law; on the other hand with respect to "crimes against humanity.” Initial investigations began as early as May 1945. The British military authorities also examined the circumstances of the sentencing and execution of male and female forced laborers.
Eventually, in Aug. 1947, a trial against the suspected persons responsible took place before the British Military Tribunal in Hamburg’s Curio-Haus [thus the name Curio-Haus Trials]. The Higher SS and Police Leader Bassewitz-Behr was accused of, among other things, having ordered the killing of female Allied nationals in Nov. 1943, more specifically, the shooting of five prisoners of war of the Red Army, who had gone on strike at the "Altona Noleiko Plant." Charges were also brought against Willi Tessmann, the director of the Fuhlsbüttel prison, and Hans Stange, the deputy camp commander.
The testimony by company employees had already been taken down on record in June 1945. On 27 June, Director Ernst Alfred Friedrich Hofer, since 1935 general manager of Metallgesellschaft A.G. with headquarters in Frankfurt/Main, whose subsidiary the Norddeutsche Leichtmetall- und Kolbenwerke were, had testified that due to its demand notice the Noleiko Company had been allocated 50 "female East European laborers” in Sept. 1942, who were former prisoners of war, "in military attire upon their arrival, in military coats.” On 10 Nov. 1943, he added, he was informed that the female laborers in the camp refused eating the meals, arguing the "potato stew with white cabbage and tomato paste” was "sour.” He ate half a plate himself, and indeed the tomato paste did cause "a slightly sour basic taste.” That the women refused the food, however, was in his view due to "differences in our sense of taste in contrast to the Slavic one.” The women were only willing to resume work if they received a different warm meal and permission to go out.
At this point [according to Hofer], the meals were fetched from the camp and served to women in another shift who knew nothing yet about events in the camp. Prior to this, as he reported in his interrogation on 27 June 1945, Hermann Oellrich, foreman at Noleiko, had urged the laborers of the second shift, of whom he was in charge as a master, to eat and continue working because otherwise things could get "dangerous” for them. As a result of this, they had eaten "without grumbling.”
Gertrud Mogge, from the summer of 1943 onward head of the hut camp on Brahmsallee, described to the British authorities on 26 Nov. 1946 that the women refusing to work set three conditions: "different food, German money instead of camp currency, and permission to go out like the other workers.”
Plant director Hofer reported the incident to the Gestapo and received orders to fetch the women from the camp and detain them in the underground air-raid shelter of the plant. According to testimony by several employees, Hofer, who was said to have staunch Nazi convictions, did not have to report the walkout.
In the evening, about 160 women were assembled in Air-Raid Shelter A. Two Gestapo officers singled out women, interrogating them in the adjacent air-raid shelter.
During the examinations by the British military authorities taking place in Nov. and Dec. 1946, the plant supervisor Oellrich reported,
"I got the impression that Schweim [Gestapo department head], who held photos in his hands, selected five girls, Arapowa, Koslowa, Minajewa, Smirnowa, and Perminowa. […] The interpreter behaved in a nasty way during the interrogations, hitting the girls in the face with his fists, kicking them in the stomach with his feet, and yelling at them in an abominable way. He also went to the adjacent room with some of the girls, conducting one-on-one interviews.”
Finally, five Russian women were transported off to the Fuhlsbüttel police prison.
Gertrud Mogge testified that two of the arrested women had not been involved in the "strike”: "Arapowa and Smirnowa had nothing to do with the entire matter, since Arapowa was on night shift and Smirnowa was at work in the plant.”
According to testimony by the plant director, Bassewitz-Behr dismissed the order to take the women to a labor re-education camp, changing it into an "exemplary punishment”: "Execution in the Winsberge [hills].” All of the Russian prisoners of war were supposed to attend this.
Kurt Marzian, a driver with the Noleiko Company, reported during his examination in the winter of 1946 that he drove about 30 Russian women from the camp to the gravel pit in Eidelstedt; from the open-bed truck, they were forced to watch the executions.
In the trial of the Military Tribunal in the Curio-Haus in Aug. 1947 against persons that had committed crimes against Allied persons on the territory of the British occupational zone, a verdict of not guilty was pronounced against the Higher SS and Police Leader Henning Graf von Bassewitz-Behr, who supposedly had no idea of the shooting of the women. Even though there was growing evidence that he played a decisive role in the killing operation, it was no longer possible to reconstruct responsibilities because of contradictory testimonies as well as the obscurity of the structure of Nazi rule; there was no written evidence or it had been destroyed. Based on other crimes, the British military administration extradited Bassewitz-Behr to the Soviet Union after his acquittal, where he, sentenced to 25 years of forced labor, perished in a Siberian prison camp in Jan. 1949.
Willi Tessmann, the director of Fuhlsbüttel prison, received a sentence of seven years in prison, his deputy Hans Stange was sentenced to five years in prison – both because of the charge of shooting five "Eastern European laborers” at Noleiko without due process. Based on additional criminal offenses, Willi Tessmann was subsequently sentenced to death and executed in the Hameln penal institution on 29 Jan. 1948. Hans Stange was sentenced on charges of "mistreating and killing members of the Allied nations” to a penalty of 15 years in prison in the so-called Fuhlsbüttel Trial, taking place in Sept. 1947 also in the Curio-Haus.
Criminal proceedings against the interpreter Johann Christian Menzer were suspended on 6 Sept. 1949. The plant director, Ernst Hofer, moved to Hannover in Nov. 1949 and he was not interrogated any further.
In Sept. 1950, the shooting of the five Russian women was the subject of a trial before the Hamburg Regional Court (Landgericht). The criminal investigation department summoned a number of witnesses to the execution:
On 29 September, John Karl Heinrich Mau, formerly paramedic in the Fuhlsbüttel police prison, was examined. According to the written minutes, he testified the following:
"On the courtyard of the Kolafu [translator’s note: i.e., the Fuhlsbüttel concentration camp], five Russian women were loaded on to a truck and driven from there to the Windsberge [correct field name: Winsberg] in Eidelstedt. We were accompanied by a passenger car with important persons. In the Windsberge, additional senior Gestapo officers and a considerable number of uniformed officers were already on location. […] At the execution site, the five women had to get off our truck and then they were led away some distance from the truck in pairs and tied up together. If I recall correctly, Stange did the tying-up. The two officers carrying out the shooting met Stange halfway and led two women at a time to the execution site. There, these two officers positioned themselves approx. 1–2 meters behind the women and shot them in the neck with pistols. The women, hit by the shots, fell to the ground and remained lying there for the time being. The other women were finished off in the same way. […] After completion of the execution, the dead bodies were loaded on to a special truck and transported to the Jewish cemetery in Eidelstedt, where a pit had already been dug. Four Russians from the Kolafu who had not been present at the execution, had to bury the corpses there.”
On 25 Oct. 1950, the itinerant trader Helmut Hermann Heyne, formerly prison guard in the Fuhlsbüttel police prison testified,
"When we arrived at the execution site, a large truck was already stopping there with foreign women who had to witness the shooting and whom an interpreter was addressing. Two Russian women were ordered by Stange to take off their headscarves and use them as blindfolds. Then, the two Russian women were tied together by Stange by means of paper tape and taken on the path to the execution site. On the way, they were received by the two Gestapo officers that carried out the shooting, led to the execution site, and killed by shots in their necks. The same happened with the three other Russian women. I still recall that one of the Jewesses did not collapse immediately following the shots and that she was finished off with two more shots. […] After the shooting, the dead bodies were placed on the biers that had been brought along and then we drove the two trucks to the Jews’ cemetery in Eidelstedt. On the cemetery, the corpses were, after they were almost completely undressed, thrown into a pit by prisoners and buried in the shallow grave.”
Both eyewitnesses testified that the Gestapo officer Schwarzkopf had been one of the executioners. On 3 Nov. 1950, the administrative employee Heinrich Borgert confirmed Heyne’s testimony that the women were undressed. "I do not know whether there was an order for this action.” At any rate, the way it was done constituted desecration of corpses.”
On 3 Nov. 1950, the eyewitness Karl Emil Georg Ulrich was examined, formerly a guard in the Fuhlsbüttel police prison. "An interpreter made a speech to these women that I did not understand. From the interpreters’ gestures, I deduced, however, that he told these women that if they did similar things, they would suffer the same fate. […] A substantial number of Gestapo officers were present at the shooting. […] From the Fuhlsbüttel camp administration, I saw Tessmann there.”
On 23 Nov. 1950, further witnesses testified that the plant manager Hofer and a shop steward, together with two Gestapo officers, looked through photos of the Russian women. According to this testimony, the interpreter had beaten the Russian women. One "little Russian woman,” who was severely beaten and kicked, eventually made a statement, crying. Thereupon, the interpreter selected five of the Russian women. They were Jewish.
The interpreter Johann Christian Menzer was examined and he denied any use of force. According to him, the women were only locked up in the damp air-raid bunker in darkness as a way of punishment.
On 27 Nov. 1950, Willi Pagels, the head of personnel at Noleiko, told the British military authorities that a few weeks before the shootings he, along with the plant manager and "counter-intelligence representative” Hofer had attended a meeting of plant managers at the Fette Company in Ottensen, a meeting held on the orders of the Gestapo. "At this event, the plant managers had been instructed, with reference to the changed situation at the eastern front, to report any initial attempts at mutiny among the Russian men and women to the Gestapo immediately. […] First, a presentation was given by the trustee for labor about camp money, etc., and then Gestapokommissar [a Gestapo rank equivalent first lieutenant] Schweim spoke to the plant managers in his capacity as the head of the foreigner camps. I still recall that Schweim told the plant managers that they were liable with their own heads. […] In this connection, Kom.[missar] Schweim mentioned that there was obviously particular danger among the Eastern European laborers in terms of mutiny, sabotage, or passive resistance. In camps with male Eastern European laborers, there had already been finds of stabbing weapons and even firearms.”
Apparently, the female Russian forced laborers were murdered without due process because in the last phase of the war, when the advance of the Red Army raised doubts about "final victory,” the Nazis feared unrest in the labor camps and intended to check any form of resistance immediately. In doing so, the "foreign nationals department” (Ausländerreferat) of the Gestapo proceeded in an entirely arbitrary way, aiming at setting warning examples.
On 18 Dec. 1950, the Hamburg Regional Court (Landgericht) issued warrants for the arrest of Gestapo officers Herbert Janssen and Andreas Schwarzkopf for killing the Russian women and for crimes against humanity. However, Janssen, who together with the interpreter Menzer had interrogated and mistreated the Russian women, had assumed a false name and gone underground after the war. Furthermore, it turned out that the offense of "use of violence” came under the statute of limitations as of 8 May 1950. Schwarzkopf, one of the Gestapo officers who had carried out the executions, had been transferred to Regensburg in 1944 and supposedly died in an air raid. The criminal proceedings against him were suspended.
Albert Schweim, formerly the responsible head of the "foreign nationals department” of the Gestapo, escaped from a British internment camp; he was declared dead in the 1950s. Until his arrest in 1974, he lived in Dortmund without being recognized. During his examination before the Hamburg Regional Court that same year, dubbing the female Russians "gun women” ("Flintenweiber”) in the Gestapo jargon, he stated, "Even today, I still see a member of the Hamburg Gestapo headquarters grabbing one of the Russian women by the hair, twisting her head forward and shooting her in the neck with his pistol.” According to testimony by witnesses, he had directed the execution, something he denied. The preliminary proceedings against the man, by then frail, was eventually suspended due to "unfitness to plead.” Albert Schweim died a free man the following year.
In 2002, the Hamburg Senate invited Klawidja Nikolaewna Fentschenko to visit the Hanseatic city in connection with a visitors’ program for former forced laborers. At the end of May 1943, at the age of 19, she had been deported under the name of Nikitina from her Ukrainian hometown of Dnepropetrovsk and assigned as a forced laborer to Noleiko, an armaments company important to the war effort, from June 1943 until May 1945.
For health reasons, she was unable to accept the invitation. On 8 Apr. 2002, she wrote a letter to Katja Hertz-Eichenrode from the Friends of the Neuengamme Concentration Camp Memorial (Freundeskreis KZ Gedenkstätte Neuengamme), who organized the visitors’ program.
"I was quartered in a camp of the Noleiko plant. […] Our camp was off limits for unauthorized persons and it was located not far from the factory, about ten minutes by foot. The camp accommodated more than 60 people, 15 to 20 girls were civilians whereas the others were prisoners of war. We received little to eat. Once a day, they gave us a warm meal and 200 to 250 grams of bread. If you got something as a second course, you kept it for supper. We joined up in twos and ate the first helping and then the second one in the evening. We usually kept the bread until the morning to have with the coffee. […] I worked on two machines in three shifts: the first shift from 6 a.m. until 2 p.m.; the second shift from 2 p.m. until 10 p.m.; and the third shift from 10 p.m. until 6 a.m.
I still recall the protests of the female forced laborers. On that day, I worked together with six to eight female laborers on the first shift. The girls who had to work only one shift had gone to lunch around 12 noon. Soon it was 2 p.m. but they did not return to work. Something had happened. […] We were only told that they had refused in the camp to eat spinach for lunch and to go to work. And that our meals would be brought to the workplace so that we continued to work until the other shift group arrived. At 2 p.m., our working hours were over and each one of us ran to her hiding place. I remember very well going behind stacked cardboard boxes. Then the department manager came toward me and began talking to me calmly. He said I should go have lunch. I refused to do so, to which the foreman replied quite calmly: ‘Even if you don’t want to have lunch, you will have to continue working anyway. If you refuse to work, they will take you to the Gestapo.’” She recalled that after that, all of them ate lunch and continued to work. "It was already dark when the police officer came to pick us up to go to the camp. We went through the street and suddenly heard our girls scream. We were halted and we waited until the girls were escorted into the bunker.
After a few days, all of the girls from our room who had participated in the strike came back and told us that the other five women, the prisoners of war, had been left at the Gestapo. They did not return to the camp even after the end of the war. No one knew anything about them.”
The investigation by the British military authorities revealed in 1946 that even nine months before the shooting of the forced laborers arrested because of the strike, in Feb. 1943, the Gestapo had ordered and carried out the shooting of a Russian woman from among the Noleiko workforce. According to his own information, after the assignment of the "female Eastern European workers,” the company director Hofer had made an appeal to the German workforce that by orders of the Gestapo, "any intercourse, especially sexual intercourse,” was prohibited. Conversations were to be limited to strictly official matters. In Feb. 1943, Hofer personally reported the worker Wilhelm Reinhardt to the Gestapo. On 3 Feb. 1943, the officers took him together with the forced laborer Galina Tkachenko from the plant into custody. Born on 25 Nov. 1921 in Voroshilovgrad (today Luhansk in Ukraine), she was employed at Noleiko since 14 Sept. 1942.
Wilhelm Louis Paul Reinhardt, the son of Karl R. and Marie von der Heide, born on 22 Jan. 1913, testified the following to the British investigators on 10 Dec. 1946:
"In 1943, I was employed with Noleiko as a machine molder. At the company worked Russian girls, prisoners of war. I often talked to them, also providing them with short reports about the war situation and political circumstances, and I also shared food with them. This was noticed by Höhner and Wagner, and both of them warned me. Galina Tkatschenko [author’s note: adapted spelling Tkachenko] had given to me a letter for me, written by Maria, also a Russian woman, and I had lost it. The worker Bunte employed at Noleiko found this letter and, as far as I know, handed it over to the company management. Bauer from the Hamburg Gestapo arrested and interrogated me. I was imprisoned in the Hamburg pretrial detention center for approx. eight weeks and questioned by Bauer four or five times during this period. During these interrogations, I saw Galina a few times, specifically in the waiting room, the so-called mirror hall [Spiegelsaal], but I do not know who interrogated her.
Obviously, in the course of the interrogations I did not want to admit to the correspondence and therefore, Bauer beat me up by hand each time. In the end, he put all the letters in front of me and the report, from which emerged that the girl had already told him everything. I was not taken to court but to Neuengamme, where I remained until 19 Sept. 1944. Then I was released and drafted into the Wehrmacht.
Galina Tkatschenko is about 21–22 years old […]. I do not know what happened to her.”
The Gestapo officers took Wilhelm Reinhardt from the plant directly to the Hamburg-Hütten police prison. One week later, he was committed to the Neuengamme concentration camp, where he was detained for 17 months, from 11 Feb. 1943 until 19 Sept. 1944, for political correspondence with Russian prisoners of war. During his prison term, he had to work at the Yastram Motor Works/Neuengamme branch, in the Düneberg Munitions Factory near Geesthacht, and at the Hermann-Göring-Works in Drütte near Salzgitter. Due to an intervention by the Noleiko Company, he was released and worked in the plant again. Ten days later, he was drafted into a punishment company of the German Wehrmacht, sustaining a serious war injury and having to spend a year in a military hospital.
In the course of proceedings before the Restitution Office (Amt für Wiedergutmachung) in Dec. 1960, he tried to gain compensation for his prison term "for prohibited dealings with foreign laborers and for spreading political news” from 3 Feb. 1943 until 19 Sept. 1944. He regarded himself as an opponent of National Socialism.
"Though I was not active in any political party before 1933, I was a member of the so-called ‘Häuserschutzstaffel‘ [‘protection unit for houses’] of the KPD [German Communist Party]. My political views were inherently directed against the NSDAP, my father was a member of the KPD.” Since the Russian women did not have any contact to the external world, he said, he wished to inform them of the military and political situation, passing news to them that he knew from listening to foreign radio stations. Since conversations with the Russian women were prohibited, he wrote letters via the female interpreter. According to him, Willi Bunde, who had given him away, was a fanaticized Nazi who wore a uniform at work.
"The order for preventive custody I was shown in Neuengamme contained the following formulations: ‘because of prohibited dealings with Eastern European laborers he harms the German Reich and Volk in the fateful struggle.’”
Company employees confirm that Reinhardt was an "anti-Fascist,” talked to the female forced laborers, and gave them food.
His application for restitution was turned down on 13 Mar. 1968, because he "[had supposedly] only violated the regulations in effect at the time not to establish contact with prisoners of war or foreign laborers, respectively.”
According to the lists the International Tracing Service [of the Red Cross] prepared about female Russian forced laborers at Noleiko in 1946, Galina Tkachenko was shot by the Gestapo at the age of 22, probably shortly after her arrest in Feb. 1943.
Following their liberation in May 1945, the Russian women remaining in the camp were taken back to their homes on a collective transport.
Since Oct. 2014, six Stolpersteine in front of the "Kolbenhof” commemorate the murdered female Russian forced laborers. In guided tours of the Langenfelde Jewish Cemetery, located at Försterstrasse 6 and listed and protected as a historic site, the Russian women buried there are also remembered.
Translator: Erwin Fink
Kindly supported by the Hermann Reemtsma Stiftung, Hamburg.
Stand: April 2018
© Birgit Gewehr
Quellen: Stadtteilarchiv Ottensen, Bestand Zwangsarbeit in Altona; StaH 213-11 Staatsanwaltschaft Landgericht – Strafsachen, 18811/64; StaH 322-33_B92; StaH 322-3 Architekt Gutschow, B 90 (Unterbringung ausländischer Arbeitskräfte); StaH 213-11 Staatsanwaltschaft Landgericht – Strafsachen, 2694-56, Band 1 (Verfahren gegen Helms u. a., S. 14 ff., S. 16 ff.); StaH 351-11 Amt für Wiedergutmachung, 38908 (Reinhardt, Wilhelm); Auskunft von Katja Hertz-Eichenrode, Freundeskreis der KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, 15.1.2014; KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, HH 3.5.7 Hamburger Besuchsprogramm für ehemalige Zwangsarbeiter 2001–2013/Freundeskreis KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, und HH 220.127.116.11.1 Korrespondenz mit ehemaligen ZwangsarbeiterInnen, und HH. 18.104.22.168 Historische Fotos, Dokumente und Objekte, und Public Record Office, Akte WO 309/1156, 92383 und Komitee-Akte Wilhelm Reinhardt und FGN Hans-Schwarz-Nachlass, ID 5593 (Wilhelm Reinhardt); ITS Digital Archive, Bad Arolsen, Norddeutsche Leichtmetall und Kolbenwerke Hamburg-Altona, 22.214.171.124/70644075 und Hamburg, 126.96.36.199/70640642; Diercks, Doku Stadthaus, S. 48; Ebbinghaus, u. a., Heilen und Vernichten, S. 179 ff.; Diercks, Gedenkbuch KolaFu, S. 47; Möller, Ein verdrängtes Kapitel, S. 93, Littmann, Ausländische Zwangsarbeiter, S. 554 (Fußnote); Jacobs, Himmlers Mann, S. 99 f.