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Julius Adam * 1862
Trostbrücke 2–6 (Hamburg-Mitte, Hamburg-Altstadt)
further stumbling stones in Trostbrücke 2–6:
Richard Abraham, Julius Asch, Georg Blankenstein, Gustav Falkenstein, Ivan Fontheim, Henry Friedenheim, Albert Holländer, Max Israel, Gustav Heinrich Leo, Heinrich Mayer, Moritz Nordheim, Kurt Perels, Ernst Moritz Rappolt, Ferdinand Rosenstern, Walter Ludwig Samuel, Salomon Siegmund Schlomer, Ernst Werner, Heinrich Wohlwill, Alfred Wolff
Dr. Julius Adam, born on 22 Aug. 1862 in Lissa (Province of Posen), murdered on 28 Oct. 1942 in Theresienstadt
Julius Adam was born on 22 Aug. 1862 as the son of Mathilde, née Mamlock, and the merchant Michael Jacob Adam in Lissa (Prussian Province of Posen). After obtaining his high school graduation diploma (Abitur), he went to Leipzig and registered at the Faculty of Medicine on 25 Apr. 1881. In the summer of 1882 and 1884, he enrolled for an intermediate semester at the University of Würzburg. After five academic years overall, he was awarded his license to practice medicine in Leipzig on 17 Feb. 1886, passing his "doctoral diploma” on the topic of pelvic anomalies on 23 Mar. 1886. His examiners were the Dean, Prof. Dr. Credé, Professor of Anatomy, and Prof. Dr. Braune, Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology.
Starting on 1 Apr. 1886, Julius Adam began working as a resident at the Israelite Hospital in Hamburg-St. Pauli for a year. That same year, his father passed away. In Altona, Julius Adam practiced medicine for another year. On 30 May 1888, he obtained his patent as a Resident Second Class (Assistenzarzt II) in Berlin-Charlottenburg.
He moved to Hamburg and opened a doctor’s practice, initially at Sophienstrasse 56 on the second floor. In the 1889 Hamburg directory, one can read that Julius Adam, MD and surgeon, had his office hours between 8-9 a.m. and 5-6 p.m. In 1892, he had moved to Sophienstrasse 47. In his former apartment, a "Miss” ("Frl.”) Renate Adam opened a lunch restaurant. It was impossible to ascertain whether they were related to each other. Julius Adam was not married. He obtained Hamburg citizenship on 9 Apr. 1897. At this time, he paid taxes on an annual income of 6,900 M (marks).
From 1907 onward, his practice was located in the St. Pauli quarter at Wilhelminenstrasse 56 (renamed Hein-Hoyer-Strasse as of 1948). Apart from practicing medicine, Julius Adam also worked as a police physician and independent examining doctor for the health insurance authority.
In 1908, he undertook a trip to Russia and had a passport issued for this purpose. According to the description in the passport record, he was of medium height, had dark brown hair, and grayish blue eyes. Julius Adam was committed to social causes throughout and a member of the Patriotic Society of 1765 (Patriotische Gesellschaft von 1765). As a member of the Steinthal Lodge founded in 1909, one of the three Jewish lodges of the B’nai B’rith (Sons of the Covenant) Grand Lodge, he lived according to the statutes of charity – brotherly love – concord. Julius Adam did his military service as a medical assistant first class of the reserves. Moreover, he personally founded the widows’ fund of his former officers’ club and war comrades’ regimental association. He also played a crucial role in the founding of the "Association of the Greater Hamburg Statutory Health Insurance Physicians” ("Vereinigung der Kassenärzte Gross-Hamburgs”) in 1919. Its aim was to be able to regulate more fairly the fees earned and the division of work done by physicians, hitherto rather inconsistently structured.
Immediately after the beginning of Nazi rule, anti-Jewish legislation served to exclude all Jewish physicians from the Association of Statutory Health Insurance Physicians in Apr. 1933 – including Julius Adam, its co-founder and chair in the early years. Just one year before, the Mitteilungen für die Ärzte und Zahnärzte Gross-Hamburgs, a newsletter for doctors and dentists in Greater Hamburg, had acknowledged his services and universally appreciated humor on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. After the Nazis’ assumption of power, he was allowed to treat private patients only, something that considerably worsened his income situation. Like all Jewish members, he too was excluded from the Patriotic Society in 1935. Julius Adam gave up his medical practice as of 13 Apr. 1935. Apparently, he intended to emigrate to the USA. In a letter dated 28 Apr. 1935, he asked the public health department for a certificate confirming that he was entered in the register of Hamburg doctors as a general practitioner, a document he wished to submit to the US Consulate General toward his intended departure for the USA. On the following day, the document was issued and he travelled to the USA. One year later, on 8 July 1936, he asked again for a certificate to the same effect since the previous year’s document was no longer valid. He intended to set out on his sea voyage within a few days. This time, too, the certificate was issued immediately. On 25 July 1936, he boarded the "SS Westernland” in the port of Antwerp, arriving in the port of New York eleven days later. The passenger list reveals that Julius Adam planned to stay in the United States for five days and to lodge in New York’s Piccadilly Hotel. It is not known whether he intended to prepare his emigration to the USA. He returned to Hamburg. His professional livelihood in Hamburg was made completely impossible for Julius Adam, when in Oct. 1938 he, like all Jewish physicians, lost his license to practice medicine; merely a few were allowed, as so-called "Krankenbehandler” (literally, "treater of the sick”), to treat only Jews. For 50 years, Julius Adam had operated his medical practice in the St. Pauli quarter. His long-standing commitment to social causes on behalf of people did not play any role for the National Socialist rulers. On 29 Oct. 1938, 76-year-old Julius Adam was arrested and committed to the Holstenglacis pretrial detention facility, with "treachery” ("Heimtücke”) indicated as the alleged reason. The prisoner card contained "Jew!” as an entry. It was not possible to clarify from the files what the reasons were for this arrest or whose denunciation led to it. From prison, he was forced to pay the so-called "levy on Jewish assets” ("Judenvermögensabgabe"), which all well-to-do Jews were obligated to pay: Starting on 31 Dec. 1938, he had to pay five installments amounting to a grand total of more than 6,000 RM (reichsmark) to the Chief Finance Administrator (Oberfinanzpräsident). A letter dated 17 May 1939 from the Holstenglacis 3, 3/75 pretrial detention center shows that he had to disclose his entire financial circumstances. His residential address indicated was still Wilhelminenstrasse 56 on the second floor. Julius Adam had to spend one year in prison. On 27 Oct. 1939, he was sentenced to nine months in prison on charges of "attempted racial defilement” ("versuchte Rassenschande”). Due to the pretrial detention already endured in prison, his sentence was considered served. According to the record on the pretrial detention file card of the men’s prison administration, he was released from the Fuhlsbüttel prison on 28 Oct. 1939. It is contradictory, however, that his name is still entered in the provision lists of the police prison in the category of "protective custody prisoners” ("Schutzhaftgefangene”) from 1 Oct. 1939 until 2 Nov. 1939. Afterward, on 8 Nov. 1939, Julius Adam moved to the Mendelson-Israel Stift at Kurzer Kamp 6, apartment no. 9. A "security order” ("Sicherungsanordnung”) was issued against Julius Adam on 29 Jan. 1940. This meant that he was no longer allowed to dispose freely of his assets; he was granted only 200 RM a month toward covering his living expenses. On 14 Mar. 1940, Julius Adam notified the foreign currency office at Grosser Burstah 31 that he had closed his account with the Postscheckamt, with the remaining 40 RM having been transferred to the Warburg Bank; moreover, he informed the office that the Reich Physicians’ Chamber (Reichsärztekammer) had been given notice to transfer his monthly pension of 95 RM to that account. Despite the persecution and imprisonment he had endured, Julius Adam still demonstrates in this letter a degree of intrepidity and courage: "I asked the Gestapo to send me the confiscated savings books because both banks are not able and also not willing to react to anything without them. Yours truly, Dr. Adam.” Four days later, the University of Leipzig revoked his doctoral degree, providing as a reason, "The doctoral degree has been revoked based on the decision by the president and the deans dated 18 Mar. 1940, since etc., etc. Adam was sentenced by the Hamburg Regional Court to nine months in prison for attempted racial defilement.” It was not possible to clarify whether the allegation of "racial defilement” referred to Julius Adam’s many years of cohabitation with his non-Jewish domestic help, Dora Teschke, née Blunk, and whether he had been denounced for this reason. The court record has not been preserved. Julius Adam had been forced to give up his three-and-a-half-bedroom apartment in St. Pauli with his art collection, including more than 100 paintings, and leave it to his housekeeper and her son Werner Teschke and his family. Julius Adam’s housekeeper had already lived in his apartment before 1915, when she married the smith Karl Teschke, and since 1930, she had done so again, at that time with her second son, ten-year-old Karl-Heinz. According to the decree of divorce by the Regional Court dated 13 Dec. 1938, the marriage of the housekeeper had been divorced effective 15 Jan. 1939 due to the husband’s alcoholism. After Julius Adam had vacated the apartment, immediately her older son, Werner Julius Teschke (born in 1916) moved in with his wife and two children. Later, from Mar. 1941 onward, Mrs. Teschke’s divorced husband was to join them there as well. On 9 Apr. 1940, at the instigation of police detective Blitz, a "liquidation contract” was drafted between Julius Adam and his former housekeeper, Mrs. Teschke, pertaining to the three-and-a-half-bedroom apartment. Mrs. Teschke became the owner of the furnishings, the objects of art, and the paintings. However, Julius Adam was able to prevail in having 13 paintings most dear to him remain in his possession.
In the meantime, Julius Adam had been taken into custody again as a letter dated 19 Apr. 1940 reveals. On that day, police detective Blitz, 18th Precinct of the Criminal Investigation Department, had made a phone call to senior customs inspector Röhr at the customs investigation office: "The Jew Dr. Julius Israel Adam, 78 years old, will be released from detention today. He lives in the Fuhlsbüttel Jewish retirement home, at Kurzer Kamp 6. According to corresponding communication, he has arranged transport of valuable oil paintings belonging to him to the Jew Willi Israel Hagen, residing in Hamburg at Schlüterstrasse 54a with Abel, for the purpose of putting them up for sale. The oil paintings are from the painters Becker and Müller Bringle.[sic!] They are supposedly of considerable value. Apparently, a security order by the foreign currency office is in place against Adam under [file number] U 23/U 15 Js. 57/40. The transport of the paintings was reportedly carried out by the Grütz shipping company based in Fuhlsbüttel. The 18th Precinct of the Criminal Investigation Department desires strictly confidential handling of this matter. Dispatched by Blitz, extension 2274.”
On 23 Apr. 1940, a preliminary security order was imposed on the 13 paintings remaining to him. On the same day, the writer Leo Raphaeli, called Willy Hagen, well-known because of his performances at the Hamburg Association of Jewish Artists, was summoned to the customs investigation office for questioning on the subject. Two days later, on 25 Apr. 1940, Julius Adam was interrogated at the customs investigation office about his sales negotiations with Leo Raphaeli. The record of interrogation affords insights into the way Julius Adam experienced these instances of persecution: "… we chatted casually about our present circumstances. In doing so, both of us moaned, whereupon he, familiar with my apartment and aware that I had been collecting paintings for 50 years, advised me that I should just sell a few to improve my financial situation. Thereupon, I pointed out to him the difficulties, since I, being an old Hamburg physician, practicing medicine in St. Pauli for 50 years, serving as a police doctor for many years, and also working as an independent examining doctor for the health insurance authority, could hardly go around hawking paintings. In response, he offered, because he personally knew the only two art dealers in question here, his services in contacting them. Naturally, I was very responsive to this. Though a very well-to-do man in the past, I am currently in a dire financial situation. Three times in my 77-year life, I have lost my fortune. Once during the war, in which I participated for four years and during which my banker invested, with my approval, all of the securities I owned in war bonds. When I returned from the war in 1918, the war bonds valued at 100,000 RM were worthless. I reassumed my practice and managed to acquire a small fortune again which dropped to about zero during the period of inflation. Despite my advanced age, I managed to save a few thousand marks yet again, about half of which I lost because of the levy on Jewish assets. Since I was deprived of my practice two years ago, I was no longer able to pay my apartment and since I spent large sums in the past on charitable causes, the Jewish Religious Organization [Jüdischer Religionsverband] was very helpful in providing me with an affordable apartment in the Mendelsonstift in Fuhlsbüttel. My current income amounts to 95 RM a month overall from the Reich Chamber of Physicians, for which I, when I was still chair of the Association of Statutory Health Insurance Physicians, arranged the establishment of this pension fund together with Mr. Pfeiffer, contributing about 15,000 RM over the course of the years. Since I cannot possibly live on these 95 RM a month, I rely on selling the dispensable items of my household to begin with.” Responding to the question as to whether he had given the paintings to Mrs. Teschke as presents and whether a contract existed between them, Julius Adam answered: "The exact opposite is the case. I had all of the paintings that Mr. Raphaeli presently has at his apartment for reviewing and that are obviously the ones now in question picked up from my former apartment beforehand with Mrs. Teschke’s consent. During this pick-up, Mrs. Teschke‘s oldest son, who was born in my apartment during my absence in the war, kept back, in an inexplicable manner, the two most valuable paintings without my approval. This is a very valuable painting entitled "Elbe” by the well-known marine painter Becker, which I received as a gift from his father, the late former chief staff surgeon and regimental medical officer (Oberstabs- und Regimentsarzt) D. Becker out of gratitude for treatment of a serious illness. The second one is a large, equally valuable marine painting by the marine painter Müller-Brieghel. When I went to my former apartment with the authorized signatory of Commeter Art Dealers, Mr. Oberheide, and Mr. Raphaeli, Mr. Werner Teschke was so obliging as to lock the room in which the paintings were hanging. Thereupon I explained to the mother that I intended to come again the next day by myself and that, if the room were still locked, I would enlist judicial assistance. On the next day, the room was still locked. Consequently, I turned to my competent district police office, happily chancing upon police detective Blitz, whom I knew and who had recently been transferred there from the Stadthaus.”
Asked whether the paintings in question were still at Mrs. Teschke’s, Julius Adam answered: "I received back the paintings in question from Mrs. Teschke against her son’s will, due to the mediation of Mr. Blitz, who showed an interest very welcome to me in settling the matter peacefully. This happened after Mr. Blitz categorically declared that I would not put my name under the liquidation contract drafted by Mr. Blitz if these paintings were withheld from me. Thereupon I was assured that I would certainly get the paintings back. The Eilwagen ["speed courier,” a three-wheeled pickup made by the Rollfix Company] owner Grütz from Fuhlsbüttel explained to me that when he picked up my suits and other personal effects left behind, Mrs. Teschke handed over the two paintings, already placed in the courtyard, without demur. After all this, it can hardly be in any doubt that these, my own paintings, are in my rightful possession.” When customs inspector Kürsten demanded to know from Julius Adam what the differences between him and Mrs. Teschke involved, he answered, "Mrs. Teschke was my housekeeper for 34 years, since I am not married. Over this long period, not one unkind word was spoken between us. On the contrary, I would like to make a point of sincerely emphasizing that I was exceptionally satisfied both with her work performance and with her entire conduct and that I like to confirm this vis-à-vis all of my acquaintances and that I rewarded this with generous gifts and vacation trips. The only difference came about eventually and very surprisingly a few days ago when, to my great astonishment, I found the room locked [the room in which the paintings were] and when, upon my questioning Mrs. Teschke, I became convinced that the locking had taken place with her consent.”
To the question as to whether he owned any other high quality paintings apart from those now at Raphaeli’s place, Julius Adam responded, "In my former apartment, now occupied by Mrs. Teschke together with her married son Werner, there are probably still far more than 100 paintings, I would reckon.”
Upon the repeated question whether he had given the paintings to Mrs. Teschke as presents, he stated, "In my will, I bequeathed to Mrs. Teschke, in grateful recognition of her long-standing services when I still had my apartment, that apartment appointed with valuable furniture, all sorts of art treasures (paintings, bronzes, highly valuable French clocks [gold bronze], valuable souvenirs from my numerous sea voyages), with the restriction that she would have to hand over to my nieces and nephews and any possible friends any keepsakes they desire. Nothing was to be sold and she ought to keep everything else. This testamentary expression of my will is, out of necessity for the sake of peace, superseded by the liquidation contract just mentioned. When signing the contract, I entertained the tacit though humanly understandable precondition that the cited stipulation regarding my nieces and nephews, who are clearly at least as close to me as Mrs. Teschke, must not be passed over. The current, apparently bona fide claim can in my view be traced back to the fact that Mr. Blitz, in order to sort out the matter, probably worked on her to give back the two valuable paintings mentioned in the end, since according to the contract she was entitled to keep everything else after all. This difference in our respective interpretation of the contract is probably best explained in this way.”
For Julius Adam, the ban on practicing medicine and the denunciation concerning alleged "racial defilement” was not the end of it. Soon afterward, he was accused of having violated the foreign currency law and of having sold his paintings illegally. On 5 May 1940, the customs investigation office arranged that Karl Heumann, owner of the Kunsthaus (Hamburg Art Gallery) and expert witness of the Reich Propaganda Ministry, appraised the 13 paintings stored in Leo Raphaeli’s apartment. According to this, their combined value was 3,345 RM. The low appraisal value was justified with the poor condition in which the paintings were ("The paintings are, to a great extent, in an advanced state of neglect and therefore in need of restoration...”):
1. "Vor Helgoland,” signed by Carl Becker 1889, canvas, 300 RM 2. "Fischerboot,” canvas, signed by C.Becker 1885, canvas, 125 RM 3. "Seestück (Nordkap),” signed by C. Kenzler, canvas, 100 RM 4. "Bauerngehöft am Strande,” signed by J. Metzler, canvas, 100 RM 5. "Landschaft mit Gehöft,” signed by R. Guba, cardboard, 50 RM 6. "Seestück” by Schnars-Alquist, dated 16 Sept. 1896 no signature, cardboard, 350 RM 7. "Gewitterstimmung auf der Elbe," signed by Carl Becker, canvas, 350 RM 8. "Küstenlandschaft: Morgen am Stettiner Haff,” signed by Th. Thieme, cardboard, 60 RM 9. "Holl. Blumenmarkt," signed by Jos.Harländer, canvas, 30 RM 10. "Brandung (Scheldemündung),” signed by Müller-Brieghel, canvas, 750 RM 11. "Dorfteich”, signed by R. Falkenberg, wooden board, 100 RM 12. "Unterelbe (im Vordergrund grosses Fischerboot, dahinter am Strande Dampfer),” signed by Carl Becker, canvas, 1,000 RM 13. "Rothenburg o/d. Tauber,” signed by K.H., cardboard, 30 RM.
According to its report dated 14 May 1940 to the Chief Finance Administrator, the customs investigation office had concluded its investigations against Julius Adam for offenses against the foreign currency law. On 21 May 1940, the Chief Finance Administrator rescinded the "security order” on the paintings because they "did not” represent "any significant values.” On 17 Sept. 1940, Julius Adam submitted an application for the unblocking of 100 RM. As intended use, he indicated the following: "Trip to my daughter for the purpose of bidding farewell before the imminent emigration.” One may assume that this daughter was the child of an earlier, non-marital relationship. The trip was approved within one month. However, once again his emigration did not succeed.
Julius Adam was forced to continue sharing extremely confined living space with the Jewish men and women at the Mendelson-Israel Stift. On 19 July 1942, he and 22 fellow occupants of the charitable foundation were deported to the Theresienstadt Ghetto. According to the death notice, he died there of old age after three months, on 25 Oct. 1942. The physician, who had practiced medicine well into an advanced age, had succumbed to the inhuman living conditions prevailing in the ghetto. For the greater part of his life, Julius Adam had been working in support of his fellow human beings, undertaking efforts toward their welfare. He reached the age of 80.
Two months after his deportation, Julius Adam’s assets were confiscated to the benefit of the German Reich, the household effects left to him auctioned off, and the proceeds of 784.90 RM as well as an account balance of 1,606 RM with the Brinckmann, Wirtz & Co banking house and 71 RM generated from surrendering an insurance transferred to the Chief Finance Administrator. A sum of 11,000 RM for his "home purchase contract” ("Heimeinkaufsvertrag”) toward accommodation in Theresienstadt had been confiscated prior to his deportation. Shortly after the end of the war, on Friday 22 June 1945, a notice by his niece appeared in Aufbau magazine: "It is only now that we received the sad news that our dearly beloved uncle, Dr. med. Julius Adam (formerly Hamburg) passed away in Theresienstadt already in 1943 at the age of 80. On behalf of the bereaved family: Hertha Cohn, née Adam, Siegfried Cohn, 535 Hawthorne Avenue, Newark, N.J.”
In Jan. 1947, Max Adam from La Paz, Bolivia, tried to uncover the crimes committed against his uncle Julius Adam and to bring all of those involved to justice. He turned to the Hamburg mayor and brought criminal charges against the Teschke family. Due to information provided by the niece, Hertha Cohn, née Adam, the senior public prosecutor approached Max Plaut, the former chair of the Hamburg Jewish Religious Organization (Jüdischer Religionsverband). At the time, he had led the negotiations with the Gestapo to get Julius Adam released. In a letter from Palestine dated 3 Dec. 1947, Max Plaut testified, "I knew Julius Adam as one of the most respected physicians and meritorious citizens of the Hanseatic City of Hamburg for many years. He was my fellow mason (Steinthal Lodge) and a very good friend of mine. As I recall, the proceedings against him were set in motion by the Teschke family. On this count, the former police officer Blietz [sic!] must be able to provide more exact details. Blietz was an officer at the 23rd Office of the Criminal Investigation Department (23. Kriminalkommissariat), which was in charge of persecuting Jews for offenses against the Nuremberg Laws. The methods of this office were at times worse than those of the Gestapo (inquisition). The contract cited came about due to extortion. I approved of concluding this contract to save him from destruction in a concentration camp. Dr. A., who had in his apartment on Wilhelminenstrasse a collection of art objects of considerable value, was forced to leave everything apart from minor exceptions to the T.s. He was also repeatedly extorted for money, even though he always supported the T. family very generously. At the time, Dr. A. was defended by the lawyer Dr. Schüler (successor to lawyer D. S. Urias). Dr. Sch. later ended in a concentration camp … In conclusion, I would like to note that unfortunately, I frequently had to experience such ‘contracts’ with the ‘involvement’ of police officers. I was under the impression that these officers drew personal benefits from them. There is no other way to explain this contract, since generally the authorities have no interest in making sure that private persons get Jewish assets …”
The office of the Senior Public Prosecutor (Oberstaatsanwaltschaft) with the Hamburg Regional Court replied to the nephew Max Adam that, after the accused members of the Teschke family had been questioned and denied all allegations: "The files generated in this matter were destroyed prior to the surrender, as a result of which it is no longer possible today to establish whose instigation set in motion the proceedings against your uncle at the time and whether the accused persons had a hand this …” To date, it has not been possible to ascertain the fate of Julius Adam’s daughter, nor the whereabouts of his well over 113 paintings, including the painting entitled "Elbe” by Carl Becker, of which he had grown particularly fond.
Translator: Erwin Fink
Kindly supported by the Hermann Reemtsma Stiftung, Hamburg.
Stand: April 2018
© Margot Löhr
Quellen: 1; 2; 3; 4; 5; 7; 8; Recherchen und Auskünfte Ulf Bollmann, Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StaH 213-8 Staatsanwaltschaft Oberlandesgericht Abl. 2, 451aE1,1d (6), StaH 242-1 II Gefängnisverwaltung II, Abl. 16 Untersuchungshaftkartei: Männer; StaH 314-15 Oberfinanzpräsident, Abl.1998-1 J7-4 Adam Dr. Julius; StaH 314-15, R 1940-57 Adam Julius; StaH 332-5 Standesämter, 3271 u. 633/1915; StaH 332-7 Staatsangehörigkeitsaufsicht, BIII 52283; StaH 332-7, AIf 180, F 663; StaH 332-8 Meldewesen, A 24 Bd. 10; StaH 352-3 Medizinalkollegium, IVC 18; StaH 352-3, IC2 Bd. II; StaH 352-13 Ärztekammer, 14 - Karteikarten Ärzte A-L; StaH 355-4 Versicherungsbehörden, 180; StaH 522-1 Jüdische Gemeinden, Abl. 1993/1 A 10; StaH 741-4 Fotoarchiv, K 2513; Hamburger Adressbücher 1888–1943; Institut Theresienstädter Initiative / Nationalarchiv Prag, Jüdische Matriken, Todesfallanzeigen, Adam Julius 253891 TFA; Recherchen und Auskünfte Dr. NicoleTiedemann-Bischop, Altonaer Museum Abt. Gemälde und Graphik; Recherchen und Auskünfte Dr. Ute Haug, Provenienzforschung / Archiv Hamburger Kunsthalle; Recherchen und Auskünfte Silke Beiner-Büth, Gemälderestaurierung, Museum für Hamburgische Geschichte; Archiv Universität Leipzig, Film 519, Personalakten Adam, Julius, Matrikel zw. 1825 u. 1889, Rektor 59; Promotionen 1810–1969, Med.Fak. Prom. Bd.3 (1885–1889), https://www.archiv.uni-leipzig.de/recherche/, online Recherche 8.9.2011; Recherchen und Auskünfte Tobias Baus, Universitätsarchiv Würzburg; Recherchen und Auskünfte Dr. Andrea Baresel-Brand Leiterin Dokumentation + Öffentlichkeitsarbeit Koordinierungsstelle Magdeburg für Kulturgutdokumentation und Kulturgutverluste – Lost arts; Recherchen und Auskünfte Petra Hesse, Universität Leipzig; Martin Niggeschmidt, "Nichtarische Herkunft", KVH, Nr. 2, 2008, S.36/37; Marlis Roß, Der Ausschluss der jüdischen Mitglieder 1935, die Patriotische Gesellschaft im Nationalsozialismus, Hamburg, Patriotische Gesellschaft von 1765, 2007; Anna von Villiez, Mit aller Kraft verdrängt, Entrechtung und Verfolgung "nicht arischer" Ärzte in Hamburg 1933 bis 1945, Studien zur Jüdischen Geschichte, Bd. 11, Hamburg 2009; Verzeichnis der Mitglieder der drei Hamburger Logen U. O. B. B. Henry Jones-Loge, Steinthal-Loge und Nehemia Nobel-Loge, Hamburg 1933, Steinthal-Loge, S. 37; Leo Baeck Institute, Internet archive, Max Plaut Collection 1944-after 1973 Bulk dates: 1944–1950, (Seite 147, 150, 163), The Statue of Liberty – Ellis Island foundation, http://www.libertyellisfoundation.org/passenger-details/czoxMjoiOTAxNzU0Nzk2Mzk3Ijs=/czo5 OiJwYXNzZW5nZXIiOw==#passengerListAnchor, eingesehen 27.1.2015 http://archive.org/stream/maxplautcollecti01plau#page/n147/mode/1up eingesehen 26.8.2014; Beate Meyer, Das Jüdische Hamburg, Max Plaut, http://www.dasjuedischehamburg.de/inhalt/plautmax eingesehen 26.8.2014; Beate Meyer, Tödliche Gratwanderung. Die Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland zwischen Hoffnung, Zwang, Selbstbehauptung und Verstrickung (1939–1945), Göttingen 2011. (Diese Biographie entstand im Projekt "Stolpersteine in Hamburg – biographische Spurensuche", siehe www stolpersteine-hamburg.de).
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