Search for Names, Places and Biographies

Marie und Paul Goldschmidt
© Privatbesitz

Paul Aron Goldschmidt * 1874

Fabriciusstraße 274 (Wandsbek, Bramfeld)

1943 Theresienstadt
tot 21.12.1943

Paul Goldschmidt, born on 19 Dec. 1874, deported on 24 Feb. 1943 to Theresienstadt, died there on 21 Dec. 1943

Fabriciusstrasse 274 (Am See 26) – Bramfeld

Paul Goldschmidt was a feisty man, endowed with a distinct sense of justice. Even when facing the National Socialist state, he insisted on the legal protection of his civil rights. The records preserved testify to how courageously he struggled against his discrimination as a Jew, which, however, was futile, as one might surmise. Nevertheless, at least he put up a fight.

Paul Aaron Philipp Goldschmidt was born in Hamburg on 19 Dec. 1874 as the son of Adolf and Henny Goldschmidt, née Neustadt. Around 1900, he married Betty Halberstadt (born in 1872). The couple had two daughters: Hertha (born in 1901) and Käthe (born in 1906). That same year, he started his own business trading in mother-of-pearl buttons and buckles. At this time, the family lived at Schaarsteinweg 22 in Hamburg-Neustadt. In 1916, his wife died, and Paul Goldschmidt had to take care of his daughters all by himself.

In July 1918, he married his second wife, Marie Dörge, born in 1889. She was not Jewish, but converted and was a member of the Jewish Community until 1925. They had no children.
Until about 1930, Paul Goldschmidt paid to the Jewish Community almost the same amount of taxes, which were reduced from 1933 onward. According to a note, these also included voluntary contributions.

Goldschmidt, who felt threatened by the anti-Jewish atmosphere of the day, had his company transferred to his wife as sole owner in Oct. 1934. In this way, he wanted to secure the basis for his livelihood and protect his assets from confiscation by the state, a development foreseeable by then. The violent attacks on him a few months later proved just how right he had been in his mistrust. Even before this was the case, he had been accused of not having donated enough to the Nazi "Winter Relief Program” (NS-Winterhilfswerk). The press then took up the issue, which eventually resulted in a full-fledged campaign against Goldschmidt.

Paul and Marie Goldschmidt were to remember the evening of 25 Jan. 1935 for a long time. They found out that an assault on them was planned. The local chief of police they called promised them police protection, provided Goldschmidt was prepared to let himself be arrested by the Gestapo. Apparently, he pretended to accept the proposal, and so two policemen were sent to protect his property. However, they were ordered to leave after Goldschmidt had gone into hiding. His wife then had to look on helplessly for two hours, as their summerhouse was vandalized (probably by some gangs of right-wing thugs), without the police, whom she had called again, showing up any more. Paul Goldschmidt stayed in hiding for six weeks, in order to avoid the "protective custody” ("Schutzhaft”) in the Fuhlsbüttel concentration camp with which he was threatened. After his return, he filed a lawsuit for damages against the Prussian State and applied for the right to legal aid on 6 Apr. 1935. Furthermore, he requested the support of lawyer Walter Jacobsen who had his law firm in Wandsbek. In his letter addressed to the Altona Regional Court (Landgericht), he revisited the occurrences of the evening in question.

"On 25 Jan. 1935, I got a … phone call informing me that my life and my house were in danger, as an assault had been planned against me. I therefore took the following measures:
1. I called police headquarters in Altona for help, owing to a lack of manpower at the Br(amfeld) police station. This was declined.
2. Thereupon, I sent my wife to the chief of the local police station.
3. Police Chief Ruhbach himself came to my house, and we discussed the situation. He promised to send two policemen for the entire evening, provided that I would go into protective custody.
4. At 7:30 p.m., Senior Troop Leader (Obertruppführer) Eggers withdrew the two police officers, Schütt and Goldberger. Soon afterward, large-scale vandalizing began.
5. At 9:30 p.m., when the vandalizing had still not stopped, my wife sent a witness to the police station, asking for police action once again. There was no reaction to her request... Furthermore, the Gestapo, led by Detective Superintendent Wentziow from Altona, started a file with many photographs of this incident... For my part, I do not have the financial means to bring legal action concerning this matter. Besides, I feel compelled to sue two newspapers before the Wandsbek District Court (Amtsgericht) for aggravated libel. ... Please find enclosed the damage claim for 1,067.00 M (mark). I would ask you kindly to take up the cause of my great existential plight as a hard-pressed Jew and remain
Yours very respectfully, Paul Goldschmidt, Hamburg-Bramfeld.”

The list detailing the "costs arising from the breach of the public peace” that he submitted to the court reveals that no fewer than five craftsmen of different trades were required to fix the damages. Moreover, Goldschmidt also included in the invoice the costs for the 42 days he spent in hiding because of the threat to his life. In this connection, he also mentioned the Oldesloer Landbote, apparently one of the two newspapers that had agitated against him. In an addendum, Goldschmidt also referred to his stay in the Wandsbek "cell prison” (Zellengefängnis) as well as public defamation and adverse effects on his health and his business. Despite the detailed accounts, his claim was rejected and Goldschmidt had to bear the court fees amounting to 175 RM (reichsmark). It is worth noting that all of the incidents mentioned took place before the "Nuremberg Race Laws,” which curtailed the civil rights of Jews by law, came into effect.

In Mar. 1939, the Goldschmidts’ daughter Käthe emigrated to Brazil. She had attended a secondary school for girls in Hamburg for ten years and worked as a secretary and payroll clerk after leaving school. Her last employment was with the Jewish Herrenkleiderfabrik Fortschritt [a manufacturer of men’s clothes] in Hamburg. When the company was "Aryanized” ("arisiert”) after 9 Nov. 1938, she lost her job.

One month after her emigration, the foreign currency office began investigating Paul Goldschmidt, though forgoing the imposition of a "security order” ("Sicherungsanordnung”) on his assets. However, it was only possible for him to dispose of his assets – i.e. his landed property – with the relevant permission. Paul Goldschmidt had declared beforehand that he did not have any property except for his detached house in which he lived and a small manufacturing operation (buttons in wholesale quantities) with a capital of 2,000 RM, which he had transferred to his "Aryan” wife by then.

On 24 Nov. 1938, i. e., after the November Pogrom, Marie Goldschmidt had applied for authorization to continue operating the Paul Goldschmidt Company. Half a year later, the Reich Governor (Reichsstatthalter) granted her permission on the following condition: "Your Jewish husband is prohibited from exerting any influence on business operations. In using the name of the company, you must explicitly point out that you are the owner.” Paul and Marie Goldschmidt did have the following addition printed on their business papers: "Aryan owner Mrs. Marie Goldschmidt.” However, they apparently did not take this condition too seriously, unlike some of their business partners. In fact, Marie Goldschmidt received a letter from the Administration Office for Commerce, Shipping, and Industry (Verwaltung für Handel, Schiffahrt und Gewerbe) where complaints had been filed that, at the end of October, her husband had called on the E. Lau Company for acquiring new orders. Furthermore, the letter stated, "We point out for the last time that inevitably your company will be closed down in case another complaint to this effect is submitted to the administration.”

The pressure on the couple, particularly on the Jewish husband, did not ease off. He was still the owner of the land. On 17 June 1942, the Administration Office for Commerce, Shipping, and Industry informed the foreign currency office "that a request had been made to sell the real estate owned by the Jew Paul Aaron Philipp Israel Goldschmidt, residing in Hamburg Bramfeld, Am See 26.” The purchaser of the land was to be his wife Marie Goldschmidt.
By orders of the Gestapo, the land was put under the control of the Hamburg Real Estate Administration Office (Hamburgische Grundstücksverwaltung) effective immediately, and the living quarters were confiscated. It is not known where the couple found accommodation instead. At the end of Dec. 1942, the foreign currency office approved the transfer of the property to Marie Goldschmidt. By doing so, the finance administration did not run any risk, as the purchase price, to be paid in cash, had to be deposited in an account that Paul Goldschmidt could access only with permission by the foreign currency office.

Shortly before, Marie Goldschmidt had paid the last installment of the "levy on Jewish assets” ("Judenvermögensabgabe”) amounting to approx. 4,000 RM, which was imposed by the Barmbek-Wandsbek Tax and Revenue Office. Thus, the public authorities seized a large part of the couple’s cash assets. Now, the only matter left was the annulment of the bothersome "mixed marriage” ("Mischehe”) itself.

Until his divorce on 6 Oct. 1942, Paul Goldschmidt lived together with his wife in his house in Bramfeld. In this very difficult situation, facing an uncertain fate, Paul Goldschmidt wanted to remain proactive. He pinned his hopes on the time after the war. In the document that he prepared, he stated, "With respect to any possible compensations for losses after the war, I acknowledge my wife Marie Goldschmidt … as being the legitimate beneficiary. My wife was forced by law to divorce me in order for her not to lose everything. We have had a happy marriage for nearly 25 years. However, owing to the anti-Semitic goings-on, I sustained heavy financial losses.

Hamburg-Bramfeld, Oct. 1942, Paul Goldschmidt.”

His wife had their marriage annulled, a possibility the Nazis had furnished for such cases: She declared that at the time of her marriage in 1918, she had been unaware of the circumstances that militate "against such a marriage at present.” She reverted to her maiden name. Paul Goldschmidt moved into the Jewish retirement home at Schäferkampsallee 25/27 and later in with his daughter Hertha. From time to time, he went to see his wife in Bramfeld. During this period, however, a neighbor by the name of Clausen denunciated him, and Goldschmidt was imprisoned in the Fuhlsbüttel concentration camp. After his release, he had to stay in the Jewish retirement home until his deportation.

The anti-Jewish measures had deprived Paul Goldschmidt of his rights and estranged him from his family. After his divorce, he was put in the same category as the so-called "full Jews ("Volljuden”), and therefore he was no longer protected from deportation. On 24 Feb. 1943, he was forced to board the train to Theresienstadt, where he was registered two days later. Still in Feb. 1943, his property was seized to the benefit of the Reich, and thus his full-scale expropriation was completed. He died on 21 Dec. 1943 at the age of 69.

The divorce was annulled retroactively after the war. Marie Goldschmidt continued the button trade until Sept. 1945. At that point, the date of Paul Goldschmidt’s death was not yet known. For the time being, he was declared dead as of 8 May 1945. Subsequent research revealed that he had died one and a half years earlier.
Their first daughter Hertha, a seamstress by occupation, who was married to a non-Jewish husband, had to perform forced labor at several Hamburg companies from Sept. 1942 until Feb. 1945. On 14 Feb. 1945, she was deported to Theresienstadt in the course of the last deportation from Hamburg, masked as an "external labor deployment.” In May 1945, the concentration camp was liberated by the Allied troops and Hertha Goldschmidt returned to Hamburg.

Translator: Erwin Fink

Kindly supported by the Hermann Reemtsma Stiftung, Hamburg.

© Astrid Louven

Quellen: 2 R 1939/2363; AfW 160389, 151101, 050806; 7; Landgericht Hamburg, Urteil 4 R 256/42; Astrid Louven, Juden, S. 220f; Beate Meyer, Fragwürdiger Schutz in: dies. (Hrsg.), Verfolgung, S. 79–88, hier: S. 82.

Paul Goldschmidt, born on 19 Dec. 1874, deported on 24 Feb. 1943 to Theresienstadt, died there on 21 Dec. 1943

Fabriciusstrasse 274 (Am See 26)

Located in front of the property at today’s Fabriciusstrasse 274 is the Stolperstein for Paul Aron Philipp Goldschmidt. In the Jewish button trader’s lifetime, the address was still "Am See 26.” The house of the Goldschmidts was owned by the family until the mid-1980s. After the sale, it was torn down and replaced by a new building.

In 2008, Astrid Louven already described the fate of Paul Goldschmidt in detail in her work entitled Stolpersteine in Hamburg-Wandsbek mit den Walddörfern ["Stumbling stones in Hamburg-Wandsbek and forest villages”]. Ingrid Seeler, a resident of Bramfeld, has also devoted an entire section to him in her book Bramfeld, Hellbrook, Steilshoop. Based on these accounts, the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Stolpersteine für Bramfeld (Stumbling Stone Project Group for Bramfeld) has undertaken further research, enabling them to find out additional details about the Goldschmidt family, published here for the first time.

Paul Aron Philipp Goldschmidt was born in Hamburg on 19 Dec. 1874. A few weeks before Hitler came to power, he celebrated his fifty-ninth birthday. Since 3 July 1918, he was married to Marie Louise Dörge, who was 15 years his junior. His first marriage to Betty Halberstadt (1872–1916) had produced two daughters, Hertha (born in 1901) and Käthe (born in 1906). He was a grandfather since 1923.

After her wedding, Marie Goldschmidt converted to Judaism and belonged to the Jewish Community until 19 Sept. 1925. Paul Goldschmidt’s Jewish religious tax (Kultussteuer) file card reveals that he paid taxes to the Jewish Community until about 1930.

Goldschmidt operated a button production since 1906. The company headquarters were initially located at Schaarsteinweg 11 in Hamburg-Neustadt, where he lived with his first wife and their children. From the application forms in Marie Goldschmidt’s restitution file, one can deduce indirectly that Marie and Paul Goldschmidt moved to Bramfeld in 1925, which matches the information provided by Ingrid Seeler.

The picture emerging based on Paul Aron Goldschmidt’s restitution files is that of an active merchant who was prepared to take responsibility for him and others and to implement his ideas in a proactive way. For instance, in Feb. 1927, he contacted the Bramfeld municipal administration with plans to establish a boarding house in the summer months. In order to make the stay as comfortable as possible for his guests, he asked the authorities to put up a few benches on the shore of Bramfeld Lake and to see to it that the lake was clean. A handwritten memorandum reveals that further talks took place concerning this matter.

With Hitler coming to power, the life of the Goldschmidt family lost its stability. Already a long time before the November Pogrom of 1938, the house of the Goldschmidts became the target of violent assaults. In a letter to the Altona District Court (Landgericht), Goldschmidt recorded one of these incidents as follows:

"On 25 Jan. 1935, I got a […] phone call informing me that my life and my house were in danger, as an assault had been planned against me. I therefore took the following measures:
1. I called police headquarters in Altona for help, owing to a lack of manpower at the Bramfeld police station. This was declined.
2. Thereupon, I sent my wife to the chief of the local police station.
3. Police Chief Ruhbach himself came to my house, and we discussed the situation. He promised to send two policemen for the entire evening, provided that I would go into protective custody.
4. At 7:30 p.m., Senior Troop Leader (Obertruppführer) Eggers withdrew the two police officers Schütt and Goldberger. Soon afterward, large-scale vandalizing began.
5. At 9:30 p.m., when the vandalizing had still not stopped, my wife sent a witness to the police station, asking for police action once again. There was no reaction to her request [...]
Furthermore, the Gestapo, led by Detective Superintendent Wentziow from Altona, started a file with many photographs of this incident [...] For my part, I do not have the financial means to bring legal action concerning this matter. Besides, I feel compelled to sue two newspapers before the Wandsbek District Court (Amtsgericht) for aggravated libel. [...] Please find enclosed the damage claim for 1,067.00 M (mark). I would ask you kindly to take up the cause of my great existential plight as a hard-pressed Jew and remain
Yours very respectfully, Paul Goldschmidt, Hamburg-Bramfeld.”

The district archive (Stadtteilarchiv) in Bramfeld has photos on file that document the Nazis’ destructive frenzy. Windowpanes were shattered, roofing tiles broke, and paint left visible marks on the building façade.

In his statement of costs, Goldschmidt calculated damages amounting to 1,067 RM (reichsmark). This included the expenses for glaziers, painters, cabinetmakers, electricians, and roof tilers. What also emerges from his list is that Marie Goldschmidt observed the assaults from the house next door. Goldschmidt was apparently detained in the Wandsbek "cell prison” ("Wandsbeker Zellengefängnis”). Moreover, he mentioned having been in hiding for 42 days. No further details are known about this period.
Still, he did not accept the attack without protest. In Mar. 1935, he sued the Prussian state for damages before the Altona Regional Court (Landgericht). His lawsuit was dismissed.

The violent attack was followed by defamation of character. In a number of newspapers, the assault was portrayed several days later as a reaction to a parcel with button samples that Goldschmidt had donated to the National Socialist Winter Relief Program and that was interpreted by the Nazi organization as a provocation. Ingrid Seeler quotes the Hamburger Tageblatt dated 29 Jan. 1935 as follows: "Then, as the branch office was opened to distribute the food items expected in it [the parcel], the faces of those present fell more and more. For the parcel contained a whole lot of sample cards, the kind traveling salesman carry along, filled with buttons. As mentioned already, not one of the buttons matched. The obsolete samples may have value as museum pieces, but serve for the neediest national comrades as a Christmas donation? […] The local branch of the NSDAP put the sample cards donated by the Jew Goldschmidt on public display in order to show, for all fellow citizens to see, the attitude revealed by this donation in its true light.”

The Oldesloer Landbote also dealt with the topic on 28 Jan. 1935. Here is a passage cited by Ingrid Seeler: "Incredible agitation had spread among the assembled crowd gathered around the placard, which gave rise to serious worries that the throng might take action against Goldschmidt. Therefore, another phone inquiry went out to the State Police whether it was not advisable after all to order protective custody for G.[oldschmidt]. To prevent any demonstration of the crowd from the outset, Senior Troop Leader (Obertruppführer) Eggers was instructed to calm down any demonstrators that would possibly appear. This order was executed by Eggers. At this point, it is imperative to stress that the protective custody of Goldschmidt was an act of absolute necessity. According to the report filed by party comrade [Parteigenosse – Pg.] Eggers, G. would not have escaped with his life if the agitated crowd had caught him.”

There was indeed a donation of buttons. However, in their reporting, the newspapers remain silent about the fact that Goldschmidt had previously inquired with the clothing store of the Winter Relief Program whether buttons were needed. This question had been answered expressly in the affirmative – as Ingrid Seeler indicates. Moreover, the newspapers pass over the fact that he had given food donations to the relief organization for several years, making the parcel with buttons only an additional donation.

The district archive (Stadtteilarchiv) in Bramfeld has reports by contemporary witnesses on file that indicate anti-Semitism in Bramfeld already being clearly noticeable in the 1930s. Irma Kruse, a resident of Bramfeld, described in an interview with the Bramfeld district archive in 2009 the following incident: "But I know of an instance when my father wanted to ride the bus one day […] and there stood [Goldschmidt] and he said to my father, ‘The bus driver will not stop if I stand here all by myself, so please stand here with me. So my father stopped [and stood next to him] […]”

Ingrid Seeler also reports similar incidents: "A story told repeatedly is that at least once, an SA man dragged Paul Goldschmidt out of an overcrowded bus to Bramfeld at Barmbek train station in order to ‘make room for Aryans’ [...].”

In Oct. 1938, Paul Goldschmidt made his wife the sole owner of his company in order to secure the livelihood for his family and to protect the property from confiscation by the state. Astrid Louven describes in detail the path the authorities took all the way to Goldschmidt’s expropriation.

In June 1942, the Administration Office for Commerce, Shipping, and Industry (Verwaltung für Handel, Schiffahrt und Gewerbe) received an application to sell the property to Marie Goldschmidt. Thereupon, the Gestapo confiscated the property and residential building and left it at the disposal of the Real Estate Administration Office (Grundstücksverwaltung). Only by the end of Sept. 1942 – i.e., after the annulment of the marriage – did the foreign currency office grant permission to transfer the property to Marie Goldschmidt. Astrid Louven points out that the finance administration did not run any risk by authorizing the purchase: The purchasing price was deposited in an account of which Paul Goldschmidt was allowed to dispose only with approval by the foreign currency office.

On 8 Oct. 1942, the Hamburg Regional Court (Landgericht) announced the annulment of the marriage between Paul and Marie Goldschmidt. A note in the reasons given for the judgment suggests that even in these proceedings, Paul Goldschmidt did not miss the opportunity to express his opinion. "With the […] application, the plaintiff desires annulment of the marriage because the defendant was a Jew. The defendant, who has no representation in these proceedings, credibly admitted this fact, stating that he did not wish to raise any objections against annulment of the marriage; in keeping with the circumstances, [he stated] the plaintiff was compelled to file action for annulment against him. [...].”

Just how much foresight he applied in his actions is shown by a power of attorney he drew up for his wife in Oct. 1942. Passages of it read, "With respect to any possible compensations for losses after the war, I acknowledge my wife Marie Goldschmidt […] as being the legitimate beneficiary. My wife was forced by law to divorce me in order for her not to lose everything. We had a happy marriage for nearly 25 years. However, owing to the anti-Semitic goings-on, I sustained heavy financial losses.”

The documentation Marie Goldschmidt enclosed in her application for restitution in the post-war years also reveals that the persecution of the Jewish population by the state authorities had a financial aspect as well, not to be underestimated in its effects. For the annulment of the marriage, forced by the state, and for signing over the house alone, Marie Goldschmidt had to pay 1,541.16 RM in 1942. In 1939, a "Jews’ fine” ("Judenbusse”) [the "levy on Jewish assets” – "Judenvermögensabgabe”] amounting to 3,851.80 RM had been exacted from the couple. In 1944, the tax and revenue office confiscated bonds valued at 9,400 RM.
After his divorce, Paul Goldschmidt moved to the Jewish retirement home at Schäferkampsallee 25/27. Nevertheless, he insisted on going to see his wife in Bramfeld. On one of these visits, he was denounced by his neighbor Clausen, imprisoned in the Fuhlsbüttel concentration camp, and forced after his release to stay in the Jewish retirement home. On 24 Feb. 1943, he was deported to Theresienstadt, where he died on 21 Dec. 1943 at the age of 69. His assets were confiscated to the benefit of the Reich.

His daughters Hertha and Käthe as well as grandson Edwin also had to suffer from the anti-Semitic policies of the National Socialists.

Käthe attended a girls’ secondary school in Hamburg for ten years, then worked as a secretary and payroll clerk with the "Jewish” Herrenkleiderfabrik Fortschritt [a manufacturer of men’s clothes] in Hamburg until 1938. When the company was "Aryanized” ("arisiert”) after 9 Nov. 1938, she lost her job. In Mar. 1939, she emigrated to Brazil.

Daughter Hertha was married to the non-Jewish tailor Otto Christian Beeck (born on 8 Sept. 1897). Before the war, she worked as a municipal secretary. From 1941 until 1945, she was enlisted to perform forced labor. Enclosed in her file for restitution are the following certificates:
Max Ludwig, Chemische Fabrik [a chemical plant], Wexstrasse 35, Hamburg 36: "With this, I confirm that Mrs. Hertha Beeck, née Goldschmidt, born on 15 Nov. 1901 in Hamburg, worked for me as a packer from 18 Mar. 1941 until 29 Feb. 1944. Hamburg, 20 Sept. 1948” Signature: i. A. [pp] W. Langfelde (or something along these lines).
Egmont Gross, Ferdinandstrasse 6/10, HH 1/ Neue und gebrauchte Säcke, Jutegewebe, Baumwollsäcke, Handtuchbeutel, Papiersäcke [new and used sacks, jute fabric, cotton sacks, towel bags, paper bags]: "With this, I confirm that Mrs. Hertha Beeck, residing in Hamburg 13, Bornstrasse 22, worked in my company as a darner from 2 Mar. 1944 until 11 Apr. 1944. 24 Sept. 1948 (signature not legible ->) Hempe.”
Master tailor Max Scheelcke, Maß- und Uniformschneiderei [custom and uniform tailoring], on 29 Sept. 1948: "Mrs. Hertha Beeck, née Goldschmidt, worked for me as a seamstress from 8 May 1944 to 9 Feb. 1945.”

On 14 Feb. 1945, Hertha Beeck was deported to Theresienstadt. After the camp was liberated in May 1945, she returned to Hamburg.

Her son Edwin attended the eight-grade elementary school (Volksschule) until Easter of 1937. He was refused an apprenticeship placement due to his "half-Jewish” ("halbjüdische”) descent. Hereupon, Paul Goldschmidt employed his grandson as a messenger in his button business for about a year. On 17 July 1943, Edwin was taken into punitive detention as a "parasite to the people” ("Volksschädling”), and he was not released from prison until 25 May 1945.

On 1 Jan. 1952 Marie Goldschmidt, Hertha Beeck, née Goldschmidt, and her sister Käthe Katzenstein inherited the house on Fabriciusstrasse in connection with the restitution proceedings. The real estate was in dire need of renovation. Initially, the house was rented out. In 1961, Hertha Beeck moved into her father’s house. After her death in 1976, Edwin Beeck lived in the single family home with his wife. Following his death in the 1980s, the house was sold and torn down.

Translator: Erwin Fink

Kindly supported by the Hermann Reemtsma Stiftung, Hamburg.

© Ulrike Hoppe, Britta Burmeister

Quellen: StaH 351-11 (AfW) 11411, Abl. 2008/16.03.89; StaH, 351-11 (AfW) Abl. 2008/1, 07.04.23; StaH, 351-11 (AfW) Abl. 2008/1, 15.11.01; StaH 423-3/3, III70-2/3; Astrid Louven/Ursula Pietsch, Stolpersteine in Hamburg-Wandsbek mit den Walddörfern, Hamburg 2008; Ingrid Seeler, Bramfeld, Hellbrook, Steilshoop, Hamburg 1988; Interview mit Irma Kruse von Ulrike Hoppe, Stadtteilarchiv Bramfeld, 21.10.2009